my mind—last of all there is that question which is popularly called "one man one vote," without which that democratic suffrage to which I have alluded is in many constituencies little better than a mockery and a sham. Gentlemen, you may ask me how before a dissolution we are to get all these. My reply to that is that your fate is in your own hands. It lies with you to give the force and the impulse, and the propelling power which alone can enable a Liberal Government to pass Liberal measures. I, for my part, do not ask you for enthusiasm. I do not even desire it. Enthusiasm is a quick-burning flame, it is a feverish humour which is apt to die out as quickly as it rose, and leave behind it nothing but ashes and reaction. But what I do ask is this, that, while we do your work inside Parliament, you shall give us your cordial, your hearty, and your strenuous support outside Parliament, that you be not led away by every empty wind of vain doctrine, by every breath of gossip or of doubt; that you do not give yourself over to political sloth or political scepticism; but that you stand by the Government that is willing to stand by you. This support we ask, and indeed claim, at your hands; and I believe, in the coming session, and for the rest of this Parliament, and at the general election when it comes, we shall abundantly receive it.

BEFORE THE GENERAL ELECTION

At the Albert Hall, 5th July 1895

THERE is nothing in the Government just at an end to defend-nothing in its life, nothing in its death, nothing in its spirit, nothing in its work. It lived a noble life. It died a noble death. It passed great measures; it wrought great acts of administration. It leaves behind it a mighty surplus, it leaves business reviving, and commerce prospering. It leaves behind it a contented people. That is something to build upon, that is a treasure stored up beyond the reach of time. But, on the other side, I have nothing to attack. Every morning I ransack the newspapers in the hope of coming on that long-retained and not yet divulged declaration of policy. I am told that their policy is comprised in the word "dissolution." Dissolution of what? [A voice-"The Lords."] That may be the result, indeed. It cannot be a dissolution of the Ministry, because that is not yet formed. It cannot be a dissolution of partnership, because they are yet in the honeymoon. I should not

think, unless I knew it to be otherwise, that it could be a dissolution of Parliament, for the simple reason that, after having told us day after day, and week after week, that they held the late Government in the hollow of their hands, that they could put an end to it any moment. I felt certain that they had a great scheme of policy to lay before the country. I am the more convinced of it because, with a hurry which I will not call indecent, except [turning to Sir H. CampbellBannerman] in one case, they seized the seals of office; and I came naturally to the conclusion that a scheme of policy would be launched, and that, after a fitting time, in which the country could appreciate and digest it, the dissolution would take place. But, instead of this, the dissolution comes and no policy. A Cabinet of nineteen should be able to frame a policy, and yet there is no sign. I do not, of course, call that placard which at this moment covers Birmingham-I am told that it is as large as a four-roomed tenement-I do not call that placard the policy of the Government; it is only the last and latest of many unauthorised programmes. I am told, vaguely indeed, that the policy of the new Government is to be the maintenance of the Empire and social legislation. In that case, why did they turn us out? We maintained the Empire; we increased the Empire.

What is our record in social legislation? There is the Bill for regulating the hours of railway servants; there is the Employers' Liability Bill.But that is not an Act of Parliament. There is the raising of the exemptions for the income-tax, which have benefited some 350,000 people. There is the Parish Councils Act, there is the Equalisation of Rates (London) Bill, and there is the Factory Act of this session. We are told that we were a wretched Government, that thought of nothing but clinging to office. Now we have a great God-given Government, and let them see if in the long years of office which they contemplate are before them, they will be able to rival that list of measures. I myself think social administration as important as social legislation. What has this Government done? It has established fair wages and short hours in all the Government departments. It has administered the Factory Act in a new spirit; it has appointed working-men inspectors and women inspectors throughout the country. I could multiply that list, but it is not necessary to do so to-night. Well, gentlemen, if we have simply to fight--as it appears we have to fight-nothing but a blank sheet of paper, inscribed with pious aspirations, or a futile programme presented with the old modesty and the old unselfishness, I say there is nothing left for us to do but congratulate

Mr. Chamberlain on having at last attained the object of his later ambition of being the head of a united Tory Government.

There is one point in which I hope to be able to give my support to the new Government, and that is on questions of foreign policy. If there is one thing in my life I should wish to live after me, it is that, when I first went to the Foreign Office as Secretary for Foreign Affairs, I argued for, and maintained the principle of a policy of continuity in foreign administration. My view was this, that whatever our domestic differences may be at home, we should preserve a united front abroad; and that foreign statesmen and foreign courts should feel that they are dealing, not with a Ministry, possibly fleeting and possibly transient, but with a great, powerful, and united nation. Of course, even in continuity of foreign policy you may have differences of skill, differences of manipulation; and here I should do an injury to myself and the Government if I did not pay an ungrudging tribute to the way in which foreign affairs were conducted by Lord Kimberley. Suffering under the sorest and saddest of domestic bereavements, he gave his whole time and energy, and the whole of his great ability, to the work of his department with conspicuous success. I remember once I was taunted by a member of the new Government-an Under