the supreme object of the educated class, and successful imitation, and thereafter laborious criticism, became the marks of the highest culture. The relation of ancient Rome to Greece was somewhat similar, but with this difference, that the Roman, being himself cast in an antique mould, brought into literature the contribution of his own vigour and originality.

When style and a wide and various knowledge of stylists became the ambition of the cultivated man, it can readily be understood that the education of boys suffered. The object of schoolmasters being to prepare boys to admire and imitate perfection of form in an ancient tongue, they had for this purpose to fall back on the old grammatical drill. The chief permanent benefit to youth was an improvement in the text-books, the works of the classical writers themselves now taking the place of epitomes of Logic and Rhetoric baldly expressed in barbarous Latinity.

It would have been strange if, in this spring time, man's relations to the unseen and eternal had escaped the criticism of the reawakened soul: accordingly, we find the names of Wycliffe and Huss conspicuous in the period of Petrarch and Chaucer. When, later, subjects of spiritual interest came fully within the scope of the modern movement, they took precedence of all others, for they concerned the business and touched the heart of the humblest as well as of the highest. Reform in religion introduced the element of passion into the revival, and supplied the motive force necessary to sustained and persistent activity. This introduction

of the element of religious passion marks what may be called the second revival at the end of the fifteenth

century.

In the earlier half of the sixteenth century the Classical or Humanistic movement was represented by such men as Ludovicus Vives, Erasmus, Budæus, and Sir Thomas More, and the parallel religious activity by the great names of Luther and Calvin. In Melanchthon the literary and theological streams met. Luther was unquestionably a Humanist, but it was inevitable that the deeper spiritual interests of which he was the guardian should obscure the less urgent and less vital claims of learning and culture. In his followers this result was conspicuous. Men's minds became engrossed with a reconstruction of faith and a reorganisation of the Church, an enterprise which shook Europe and disturbed the old order to its foundations. The political and ecclesiastical wars may be said to have lasted nearly one hundred and thirty years.

In the History of Education it is important to recognise the existence of the two parallel streams of intellectual and spiritual regeneration. The leaders of both, like the leaders of all great social changes, at once bethought themselves of the schools. Their hope was in the young, and hence the reform of Education early engaged their attention.

The pure Humanists, on the one hand, were intent on the substitution of literary culture for grammatical and logical forms, and cared only for the education of the few; but their sympathy with the religious refor

mation was notorious and they shared the suspicion with which the Protestant Reformers were regarded by the medieval Church. To know Greek was to be exposed to insinuations of heresy. An attitude of hostility towards the independent activity of the human mind was not, however, peculiar to the medieval Church; it is to be easily detected in certain forms of Protestantism. Both alike are obscurantist, and regard Reason with suspicion, if not with aversion. They have a profound distrust of Humanity.

The Church Reformers, on the other hand, had an interest in the progress of culture scarcely less sincere than that of the Humanists, but to this they added compassion for the dense ignorance of the masses of the people. The human soul, wherever found, was to them an object of infinite concern, and, unlike the Humanists, they aimed at universal instruction. The new form of the old faith, it was felt, could sustain itself only on the basis of popular education. The Reformers were educational philanthropists in the truest sense, and hence the people's school is rightly called the child of the Reformation. It would be out of place here, in illustration of what has been said, to do more than advert to Luther's impassioned appeals, and to Melanchthon's universal activity which earned for him the honourable designation of Præceptor Germaniæ. To the same union of the theological with the philanthropic spirit was due the noble scheme of popular education embodied in the Book of Polity of the Reformed Church of Scotland, written so early as 1560.

The educational aims of the leaders of the Humanistic and Theological revival respectively, while they did not conflict, were thus different both in their spirit and scope; and it is important to note this, if we are to understand the history of Schools from the sixteenth century down to our own time: for motive causes in operation 350 years ago are still active.

While the literary Humanists, such as Erasmus, had for their aim culture, and this almost exclusively through the literatures of Greece and Rome, the theological Humanists, though recognising culture, yet desired to subordinate it at every stage to a religious purpose. The latter had consequently on their side popular sentiment, because they most truly represented the popular need. 'Above all things,' said Luther, 'let the Scriptures be the chief and the most frequently used reading-book, both in primary and in high schools. Where the Holy Scriptures do not bear sway, there I would counsel none to send his child; for every institution will degenerate where God's Word is not in daily exercise. . . . The High Schools ought to send forth men thoroughly versed in the Scriptures to become. bishops and pastors, and to stand in the van against heretics, the devil, and, if need be, the whole world.' With all this, Luther's views of education were large and liberal, including music, gymnastic, and history, as well as the languages and mathematics. Melanchthon also, while urging the pursuit of ancient philosophy in its original sources, and of the literatures of Greece and Rome, yet held by Christian teaching as the main

end of the school.

So with Valentine Trotzendorf.

The distinguished friend of Luther and of the English Ascham, John Sturm of Strasburg, whose great classical school was a model for all countries, propounded as his educational aim a wise and persuasive piety, knowledge, and purity and elegance of diction.' The Humanistic Protestant schools thus embraced Christian teaching as a vital part of their curriculum, the desire of the Reformers being always to unite true learning with sound theology. It was this theological humanism (so to speak) that ultimately gained the day among the Reformed Churches.

The Roman Catholic Church meanwhile was not insensible to the scholastic changes which the modern spirit had made inevitable. The new order of the Jesuits was authorised in 1540. Their special function as a Church Society was preaching, confession, and education, but the last-named chiefly. To this,' says Ranke, 'they thought of binding themselves by a special. clause in their vows; and although that was not done, they made the practice of this duty imperative by the most cogent rules. Their most earnest desire was to gain the rising generation.' In 1626 they had already 467 Colleges and thirty-six Seminaries, and to their zealous and self-denying labours the reaction from Protestantism was mainly due. While subordinating all learning, nay, every act of life, to the Catholic idea, they yet had open minds for educational improvements. The best parts of the methods pursued in the schools of Trotzendorf and Sturm were embodied