author, in the possession of these islanders, any effects which had belonged to Europeans.'

This is the sum of what we find in the narrative respecting the search made at the Admiralty Islands, for M. de la Pérouse and his unfortunate companions. European navigators have frequently, in a few days' continuance of friendly intercourse, acquired so much of the language of islanders in these seas, with which they were before wholly unacquainted, as to render communication very practicable: but, so unprovided as were these navigators with the means of making inquiry, what information, unless accident had presented any, could have been obtained in a visit so transient? From the appearance of the Admiralty Islands, as represented in one of the Plates, (No. 2.) we should judge that the probability was in favour of their affording anchorage. No bottom being found by sounding in the ship, at the distance of half a league, is not a circumstance unfavourable to that supposition: because there are very few of the islands in the South Seas, at which soundings can be obtained so far from the shore. We do not find in the narrative any reason for believing that boats were sent in search of anchorage; nor at all from the ships, except at the small island, the easternmost of the groupe, as already related. The ships passed other small islands, and canoes came near them, but nothing interesting occurred. They then sailed along the north coast of New Guinea, and on September 6th anchored at Amboyna. Here they were received in a friendly manner, and with less formality than it had been customary for the Dutch to observe towards the ships of other nations at their settlements in these seas.

. Two translations of this work are advertized.

[To be continued.]

ART. X. Le Dix-huit Brumaire, &c. i. e. The Eighteenth of Brumaire, (8th November, 1799;) or, An Account of the Events which produced the Transactions of that Day. To which are added, Anecdotes concerning the principal Persons then in Place, &c. 8vo. pp. 431. Paris, 1799. London, imported by De Boffe. Price 6s.

THE

'HE writer who undertakes to influence the public mind, respecting the judgment which it forms of so important a measure as a revolution, overlooks the arts of authorship, and claims to be judged by the talents which he displays, the views which he unfolds, and the information which he communicates; above all, by his success in his object. If he secures this last point, he will little regard any criticisms on his work as a literary per formance; nay, he may follow Mr. Burke's example, and con

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vert

vert any attack of this kind into an argument in favour of the justice of his cause; if, even when exhibited not to the best advantage, it is able to gain the general suffrage. A claim of this sort the present author may fairly set up; and it may seem to furnish a valid plea to our jurisdiction, and to remove the cause from our tribunal: but, perhaps, the public will be better pleased if, like other courts, we make a rule which shall extend our jurisdiction so as to embrace a case that does not seem, in strictness, to come within it.

The author states the object of his work to be, to demonstrate the indispensible necessity, and the incalculable value, of the 18th Brumaire (8th November 1798*); to investigate the remote causes which prepared it, and to treat of them at some length.' These events are too important in themselves, and 'seem too big with consequences, not to excite in every inquisitive mind a very lively interest; an interest which is still farther heightened by the stress laid on them in a late very, weighty discussion in the British Legislature.

The writer founds his arguments in favour of this revolution, on the vices of the constitution of the year 3, on the practical mischiefs to which these actually gave rise, and on the malversations of those who were entrusted with the administration of the government under it. The constitution is said to have been vicious in four grand points.

Ist, The qualifications for the elective franchise were too low and vague. This occasioned the base of the republic to be placed on a moving and volcanic foundation. The consequence, we are told, was that, for the whole hierarchy of public employments, the selections had been the worst and most improper, in some districts most disgraceful, in others horrible; hence bad laws, and bad measures of administration; and hence the proprietors, the strength and real support of the state, were reduced to the condition of helots, vegetating under a sort of proscription, or civil interdict.

France (he says) can only subsist under any form of government, as far as that government protects with all its force, and guarantees with all its power, the right of property; as far as it encompasses it with favour, partiality, encouragement, and religious inviolability.'

The second vice lay in the annual election of one-third of the deputies, and other public functionaries. This event was always preceded by six months of cabal and intrigue. It was impossible that any body politic, however sound and robust, could stand a political fever of this length in each year. English advocates for annual parliaments should read what a republican writer says on this head.

The formation of the Consulate under Bonaparte.

3dly, The number of legislators in the Council of Five Hundred was too great; hence an endless multiplicity of laws, which were every day proposed with urgency, though there existed already between 25 and 30,000 laws promulgated in the same way. Their sessions had no break; hence no op portunity was given for heats to subside, and for calm to restore itself: but, on the contrary, passions grew more warm, and the factions more violent.

4thly, The Executive Government was faulty on two ac counts. First, It wanted an union of relations with the Legislative Authority. Here the author is very subtile, if not mysterious. He distinguishes between the powers and the depositaries of them. The framers of the constitution, ace cording to him, should have applied the principle of division not to the powers but to the depositaries. He would have the powers subsist not distinctly, but in intimate combination; ingrained, as it were, one in the other. Secondly, The Executive was faulty as it was collective, and annually, in part, rotatory. Hence its resolutions were not sufficiently expeditious, its action had not the necessary celerity, and its proceedings wanted uniformity. The number of shares in the supreme authority gave life to a greater mass of faction; and the number of functionaries deprived the qualifications for single candidates of their due weight.-The author pleads the cause of executive unity but his chief magistrate is elective, holds his place for a time, and, in certain cases, is subject to be deprived of it before the legal period of quitting it arrives.

Severe as are the writer's animadversions on the constitution itself, yet, when speaking of its framers, he displays candor which does him credit. He shews that its faults did not originate with them, but were those of the times and circumstances. They made,' he says, 'great strides towards a regenerating and conservatory system, for which they have strong claims to public gratitude.'

The author admits also, that the first days of this constitution were bright and promising; that the difficult and delicate business of the paper-money was managed with address; and that energy was shewn in the suppression of the conspiracies. He says that the tigers of 1793 were muzzled; that the republic had ceased to be their prey; and that authority lay chiefly in the hands of wise, moderate, and upright men. The revolution seemed to have reached its end, and to lose itself in the results to which it had given rise. Wounds were healing. Agriculture began to resume its productive activity. Confidence brought specie to light, and gave it a circulation which animated the labours of industry, and the speculations of

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commerce.

commerce.

The past, which had been so productive of mis

fortunes, was vanishing fast from recollection; and the future, rich in benefits, seemed already present. It was, for every citizen, for the whole social body, a new existence. -Thus auspiciously, says the author, dawrred this short-lived government. How came the political horizon to darken? Whence

arose the storms and convulsions which so soon brought on dissolution? We shall give an abstract of the author's answer to these queries.

While thus prosperous, we were on the eve of the first elections. These, however, passed off in the best manner; they were no where controuled; they were universally conducted with decency; and the impression which they made on the public mind was favourable to national prosperity. One circumstance of great moment must not be overlooked. Not one of the partisans of the late tyrannny was returned to the councils, or elected to any place of trust; so general was the abhorrence with which it was recollected:-nay, in some districts, this sentiment was carried to the length of occasioning avowed royalists to be elected, men in league with the chiefs of the fugitives, men who had themselves emigrated. These returns, though few in number, excited alarm, which would have been greater, had not a hope been entertained that, as there were in the legislature several partisans of the anarchical factions, these extreme parties would balance each other. The royalist deputies forwarded their plans under the cover of specious measures; and the laws which gave offence were such as exceeded a good object rather than aimed at a bad one, were more unreasonable than materially faulty. It was not yet too late to prevent a crisis; the constitutionalists, who were by far the majority, had only to clear their ranks of those few disguised royalists by whom they were misled; and who, when separated, would have been a nullity, marked either as traitors, or forced to act within the limits of the popular trust which they had undertaken. Had the constituonalists acted thus, their own sense of things, would have suggested measures which would have consolidated the government, restored harmony between the authorities, and tranquilized the public mind. This is what would have happened, but for the obstacles which the jacobin faction threw in the way; its partisans had seen the error into which the unsuspecting majority had been led for a moment by artifice; and they resolved to profit by it. Did they see a disposition to return to right counsels? They took care to check it, and to throw every impediment in its way. Now was the moment to regain their lost power. Another election was at hand, which would have proved a death blow to their hopes. They resolved, before a period so fatal to their interests arrived, to change entirely the state of affairs, and to give a complete turn to the public mind. They alleged an imaginary conspiracy, in order to form and execute a real one. A minority in the councils, and three directors, took the lead in the plot: but the directors had particular views; and they laboured to turn the revolution to their own advantage exclusively, and to get into their own hands the whole

whole power of the state: in which, ultimately, they fully succeeded.'

. Such is the substance of this author's account of the 18th Fructidor (4th September 1798). He is explicit in declaring that the defeated party, with a few exceptions of no significa tion, had no ill intentions, and that the aggressors were the sole conspirators; he cannot believe that Carnot, who had rendered such services to the republic, could possibly have engaged in a conspiracy to restore a king who never could have forgiven him.

The

The author sketches the effects of this horrible day with a bold and glowing pencil. The constitution was a wreck, and there was no national representation; deputies there were, but the guarantee was gone,-the first magistracy was fallen with the constitution by which it existed; five men there were, not invested, but armed with the whole power, exercising a tyranny as jealous and degrading as ever oppressed a people, All that distinguishes social life disappeared instantaneously from the soil of France, and nothing was to be seen but the hideous and poisonous fruit of lawless domination. caverns of the Jacobins were opened, and the anarchical code of 1793 was exhumed, and recommended to the acceptation of the people. This not suiting the Pentarchs, the clubs were once more suppressed: but this did not prevent the elections from being every where in favour of the disorganizers. The directors of the 22d Floreal, (11th May,) however, were the same as those of the 18th Fructidor, (4th September;) and they shut the doors of the councils against such deputies as they disliked. This stretch of power was popular, because the Jacobins were the immediate sufferers.-According to our author, the 18th Fructidor was the assassination of the constitution; the 22d Floréal, an outrage done to a dead carcase.' The malversations of the Directory wrought its downfall."

Acting under its instructions, (says the writer,) we saw the French plenipotentiaries at Rastadt canvassing the great interests of society and humanity, as shuffling advocates discuss the petty claims of individuals. While the congress sat, the new coalition was formed. The cabinet of the Luxemburgh, the conduct of which contributed most evidently to provoke it, took no steps of prevention, and were wholly unprepared to resist. The tragedy, which closed the congress, had scarcely taken place, before the Austrians and Russians menaced the French frontier. A weak and profligate administration had squandered away all our means; we had no arms, artillery, provisions, nor money. A few decades hurled the republic from a position the most brilliant, to the most imminent danger.'

The Jacobins, who had been discomfited on the 22d Floréal, saw their opportunity; they put themselves in action; and

they