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in most of the colonies are filled up rally in all colonial hearts; they are by dependents and followers of official transmitted from father to son in early men at home, who are not always se years, are sucked in with the mother's lerted simply for their fitness for the milk, and have but to be left free to offices they hold. As to the superior endure for ever. That which really posts, we care little whether the dif. saps the loyalty of the colonists is to ferent governorships have been given have constantly paraded before their to reward friends, to conciliate oppo. eyes a mock representative of majesty nents, or from official estimation of sometimes a caricature, sometimes a merit and capacity. What we quarrel libel on the name, always a mere picwith is, the power possessed by the ture, a varying and unreal image, inColonial Office of giving them at all. tercepting and disappointing the sight Take the lists of governors of colonies of men's eyes, instead of leading upduring the last twenty years, how many wards and onwards the thoughts of among them are lords, or sirs, or the their hearts and the ideas of their immediate relations of titled persons?- imaginations to the real majesty beNearly all. How many have been mi. yond. litary or naval officers ? - An immense Men in general have neither the proportion. How many among them power nor the time to be always anawould have been governors, if the lysing and separating their feelings colonists themselves had had a voice in and sentiments, and apportioning each their selection ?-Scarcely one. To our to their proper object; and when in notions thesc statements are nothing colonies they have their feelings to. else than a plain and absolute condem. wards their rulers always irritated by nation of the system. Why should not the misunderstandings and mistakes of the colonists, either from the very their governors, and annoyed by the foundation of the colony, or, at all delays and obstructions, to say nothing events, as soon as the first difficulties of the bad management and insolent of settlement are overcome, elect their treatment of the Colonial Office, it own governor, either from among their must inevitably happen that part of own body, or from home, if they choose the ill-will engendered settles on the to offer the appointment to any man crown of these realms, tending to dia they may feel confidence in.

minish the natural loyalty of the coloWe do not of course mean that the nists, and weaken the bonds that tie whole population should meet periodi. them to this country. Can any one cally to choose a governor, but let their with his eyes open, and his mind not representatives do so. Give them the warped by prejudice, doubt the truth power as freely as is possessed by our of these statements ? Can any one present boroughs, of choosing their own who has ever read, however cursorily, chief magistrate, either annually or for the history of the American Revoluany other period they may think most tion, doubt that those noble colonies beneficial. Let him be called Governor, were wantonly alienated, and their if they please, or by any other name; loyalty gradually sapped and debut let him do without the nonsense of stroyed by the unfitness, or worse, of aids-de-camp, and levees, and recep. their governors, by the mismanagetions, and all the trumpery attempts ment of the home government, and at viceroyalty and the representation of by that fatal delusion of the propriety majesty, and that sort of humbug of the domination of this country, which bewilders men's faculties, and and the power of its aristocratic governleads them astray from real matters of ment being made absolute over their business. Does any person suppose free and democratic populations ? that the adoption of such a system O ur voice is a feeble one - our would diminish the loyalty, the free power and influence nothing - but love and affection, and unblenching sometimes an indifferent stander-by attachment of the British colonial po- can see more of the game than the pulations to her present Majesty, or to best players; and therefore it is that any one who may as wortbily wear the we make bold to utter our thought British crown ? Nay, verily! The aloud - to lift up our voice and say, thoughts of home, the love and reve that the system of management now rence for Britain, the almost romantic and hitherto prevalent in the Colonial loyalty to the British sovereign, and Office - the very notions, and ideas, THE GLORY IN THE PROUD NAME OP and prejudices on which that system BRITON, are feelings that spring natu rests-is the core of rottenness which VOL. XLI. NO. CCXLVI.


will eat out the heart of our colo. nial empire, will prostrate our colonial strength, and convert what might have been a noble brotherhood of peoples into a number of alienated and discor. dant states.

We here touch on the main defect in what Earl Grey is pleased to call his colonial policy - that he does not seem to have formed any notion of what is to be its ultimate aim or object. What, so far as we can foresee, is to be the probable result of all these great colonies we are founding? Are they ever to be independent nations, or are they always to continue to receive lords and governors from the British aristocracy? We do not pretend to say that any man can foresee the course of future events, but, at all events, it is but wise to entertain the question of future possibilities. Is the leading idea, the true theory, of the foundation of a British colony the hope of found ing a future independent British na tion? If not, what is the theory or object of founding it? Are we mere waiters upon Providence --attendants on the action of a machine, the prin cipal and main motive power of which we are altogether ignorant of? If so, let us take care how we interfere with its motions ; let us be very cautious how we meddle with its several parts; and, above all, how we attempt to guide and control its action. We must confess that the history of our Colonial Office calls very forcibly to our minds the idea of a man meddling with such a machine, and, in trying to adjust its movements, being every now and then in imminent danger of having a hand or an arın lopped off, very hurriedly proceed. ing to let it alone again. Marry! as he is paid for superintending it, he must be doing something-even if that something happen to be mischief. It cer. tainly does seem to us, if we may be al lowed to carry the figure a little further,

that the wisest plan would be for the owner of such a self-acting machine to issue strict orders to his superintendent not to interfere with it further than may be necessary to oil its wheels, to free it from dust and dirt, and just to prevent any evil-disposed person from coming to injure it. We think, moreover, that these figurative expressions might receive a practical translation and embodiment that would redound equally to the credit and glory of the translator, and the benefit and enlighteninent of the community at large, whether at home or in our extratropical colonies.

We mean no disrespect to people of any other race, when we say that the free and independent system of colonial policy we would advocate could be only practicable or successful with Britons. For the truth of this assertion as to the Spaniards, we may point to the contrast still afforded between their emancipated colonies and the United States. The French, if they have no large emancipated colonies, are obviously incapable even of governing themselves.

We have, indeed, met within our own experience with curious examples of the difficulty experienced by most Frenchmen in forining even a correct notion of the possibility of founding a colony by the independent action of the people, and without the aid and su. perintendence of the government.

New Zealand became largely settled by stray white men, Britons or Ameri. cans, long before it was taken posses. sion of as a colony. Lord John Russell, when Colonial Minister, being urged to take possession of it, declined, and, on the contrary, formally recognised the independence of the New Zealand chiefs. This scheme was found im. practicable ; settlement went on, lands were purchased from the natives; missionary establishments were formed; land schemes even began to come into

• We use the term Britons rather than Englishmen, in order to include English, Welsh, Scotch, Irish, Manx, and Jersey men in one collective term. By “ Briton " we would understand a citizen of the United Kingdom. When, in a former part of this article, we spoke of • personal independence, and the capacity for self-government," as characteristic of the AngloSaxon, we by no means intended to say that other races could not acquire these valuable qualities - nor to deny that they had spread largely, and were now more rapidly spreading even among the most purely Celtic of our fellow-subjects. They have become now pretty general characteristics of the whole population of the United Kingdom. We would be one of the last to contribute to any fantastic fettering of men's minds by tying them up with partycoloured ribbons and national colours, which have long ceased to have any real value or utility, We looked back to history, merely for the origin of thouguits and feelings that bare now, for all practical purposes, been as long and thoroughly mixed and blended together as are the scyeral races of which we are composed.

existence, founded on the idea of pur. chasing large tracts from the chiefs, until at length Government stepped in, took possession of the country, and formed it into a British colony on the approved plan. In the meantime, Louis Philippe sent out an expedition to take possession of New Zealand ; and the French only arrived at Otago, just in time to find themselves British subjects. Practically, the colony of New Zealand was forced into existence against the inclination of the then British Go. vernment, simply from the movement of British subjects to settle in it. Now, we recollect talking with a scientific Frenchman in Van Diemen's Land on this matter, and nothing we could say could drive him from the fixed belief tbat the whole operation was a deep laid plan and scheme of policy on the part of the Colonial Office. Ile re. fused to believe in the possibility of any community of colonists being formed, or any set of men being mad enough to attempt it, unless they had a regularly organised scheme to begin on, and were assured from the commencement of the support and protec. tion of the Government, and were, in fact, obeying its orders, and managed and guided by its superintendence. Such an idea as a number of men, without previous concert, meeting accidentally in a strange land, and at once forming a community, and establishing law and order among themselves naturally and as a matter of course, seemed to him

est of visions. We have often since talked the matter over with Frenchmen, and have always found the same incredulity as to the possibility of self-government, and the same preconceptions in favour of a previously constituted authority and system of strong, symmetrical, organised ruling power, as a necessity of the case.

The Dutch, so nearly allied to our selves, fail in colonising, simply from their looking at it as a mere matter of gain, both to individuals and to the state. When they emancipate them selves from these grovelling notions, they show a large capacity for selfgovernment and independence in extratropical colonies, as witness the conduct of the Dutch Boers at the Cape, and their determined and successful emancipation of themselves from our Colonial Office rule. The self-expatria tion of the Dutch Boers from their old settlements was a noble act.

What we are concerned with now,

however, is to show, that no rules or maxims, or experience drawn from the colonies, whether in ancient or modern times, of any other race than ourselves, are applicable to our colonies. This assertion is not made from any overweening self-love or national conceit. Like effects spring from like causes. Show us the history of any other nation, that for 800 years has gradually and steadily worked its way up towards freedom, never losing sight of the in. dependent, self-governing habits inherent in its ancestry, through conquest, through difficulty, through internal dissensions and external warsa nation, the whole people of which is imbued not merely with the desire for liberty, but with the daily use and habit of free action, and the practice and exercise of social political powers, and then from the colonial history of that nation will we be content to draw lessons that shall guide and govern our own colonial affairs.

No such political cause can be found in the history of the world, therefore have there been no political effects worthy of our notice. We must make our colonial precedents (to speak the language of the lawyers) as we have our other political precedents, for ourselves, and not draw them from the books of any other people.

If now, setting aside our dissent from the system of rule which has grown up in our Colonial Office, and is advocated by Earl Grey, we take his own theory as the true one, for the sake of argument, and examine into the details of the measures he has proposed or carried, we shall find much to commend, and, on the whole, more cause for praise and satisfaction than for cen. sure. This goodness of Lord Grey's measures by no means does away with our dislike of his having the power to carry them. If one secretary can enforce good measures, another may just as easily put in practice those which are bad and mischievous. Even the mere change from one set of measures to another, supposing both to he equally good, is most injurious to the welfare of the colonies and destructive of the good feeling of the colonists. Few things can be more absurd than that the laws and regulations, the whole political being of all our colonies all over the world, shall be dependent on political changes here at home, in which they feel no interest, and in the production of which they have no voice.


All these considerations, however, for the moment set aside, let us see what are a few of the measures, described by Earl Grey in his book, the value of which he pleads as a set off against his errors and mistakes.

First of all, we need hardly say that we entirely agree with him in all his measures depending on the “ Free. trade" question. The giving any colony any species of monopoly in the markets of our country is simply a con cealed way of keeping it in fetters. We should only disagree with Earl Grey on these points by wishing to go much farther even than he does. For instance, we would have neithercustoms nor excise in any colony whatever; and, until the colonies became actually independent nations, we would render it incompetent for any colonial autho. rity to establish any duties whatever, and equally impossible for the Imperial Government to impose any sort or kind of duties upon them.

Lord Grey commences by consider. ing the sugarcolonies, * or, as we should prefer to callthem, the mixed coloniesthose, namely, in which the mass of the population consists of a coloured, and for the present inferior, race, with a dominant white race to rule over them and manage them. A propos to Ceylon, Lord Grey advocates a measure which is applicable to all tropical and semi-tropical countries, where the means of subsistence are so easily obtainable, and the necessaries of life so few, and which has our entire approval,

In a despatch to Lord Torrington he says:

yields a subsistence in return for very little labour ; and where clothing, food, and lodging, such as are there required, are very easily obtainable. Experience proves that it is the disposition of the races of men by which those courtries are generally inhabited to sink into an easy and listless mode of life, quite incompatible with the at. tainment of any high degree of civilisation."

Lord Grey, therefore, proposes to stimulate these races to a little extra er. ertion by a poll-tax, or other direct impost, by which the whole expenses of the state shall be borne equally by the whole mass of the population. Our own experience quite corroborates the ideas of Lord Grey as to the perfect ease with which any moderate impost could be borne by such a population, Where their labour is free, the work of one day, or at most of two, is sufficient to supply a man and his family with all they require for a week - there could be no barm in making him work yet one other day for the state in return for the safety and protection be enjoys. Moreover, as Lord Grey points out, it would enable the state to dis. pense with all customs and duties on articles of luxury. Now, what we consider articles of luxury, become, for cirilised life in the tropics, articles of necessity. † We should, therefore, if we wish to raise the coloured races in the scale of civilisation, keep all articles of luxury and refinement as cheap is possible, in order to stimulate them to acquire the habit of using them, and to exercise that moderate amount of voluntary exertion which will be necessary to procure them.

As regards the West Indies, he also observes, that the emancipated negroes should, from the first, bave been required to pay, even if it were but in return for the gift of their freedom, such an amount of direct personal taxation as they could have done with the most manifest ease and advantage.

Lord Grey afterwards enters into the details of the commercial condition of the Mauritius and of the West Indies, into which we do not care to follow

“ It appears to me to be a mistake to regárd the imposition of direct taxation, to a moderate amount, upon a population in such circumstances, as really injurious to them.. In all European countries the necessity of supplying their daily wants is to the labouring classes a sufficient motive to exertion. But the case is very different in tropical climates, where the population is very scanty in proportion to the extent of territory; where the soil readily

* Calling them sugar colonies is an instance of Lord Grey's want of powers of generalisation. What has the production of sugar to do with the political character of a country, except that hitherto it has required the presence of labourers of a coloured race? The essential character is the race of men, whether they produce sugar or not.

† We look forward with confident expectation to the time when much of this reasoning, it not the whole of it, will be applicable to our own countries, where every man being able easily to earn the means of subsistence, shall also be able to pay a moderate poll-tax in return for that ease, with an additional property-tax in proportion to his means, and when, by the abolition of all customs and excise, the luxuries and conveniences of the whole earth sball be at our command at the cheapest possible rate.

him. He clearly points out how those chronic insurrection, and holding her colonies have surmounted the difficul. at a vast expense by the strong band ties consequent on the doing away of power, and allowing her her natural with “Protection," which at once ac. freedom of action, and the liberty of cepted the new state of things, and set busying herself about her own affairs. to work in accordance with them; and One most highly hopeful and satisfachow Jamaica still continues depressed, tory feature in Lord Grey's account because, among other reasons, she re of Canada is, the spirit of loyalty and lied on the promises of the “ Protec contentment now prevalent ainong the tionists” here at home, instead of put French population in Lower Canada. ting her own shoulder to the wheel. They seem to be fast acquiring habits

The constitution of Jamaica is a pe- of temperate but firm political action, culiar one, apparently most free and in the exercise of public business, froin popular, but wanting in the very first which we must argue the happiest reelement of freedom_namely, that of sults. The fusion of two races, so having a free people as its basis. The largely and diversely endowed by nawhite inhabitants have been but an ture, under circumstances adapted for aristocracy of caste, and there is more their peaceful harmonising, and their real freedom even under a despotic beneficial action and re-action upon monarch than in an aristocratic repub each other, is calculated to raise to the lic. When Lord Grey, therefore, bighest point our hopes and expectaquotes the unsatisfactory working of tions of their being a great and noble the Assembly of Jamaica as an argu nation in the future. ment against the policy of the self-go It by no means detracts from these vernment of colonies, he uses a so anticipations that the present elements phism which is sufficiently transparent. of this nation are occasionally of a

No mixed colony, as we shall pre somewhat turbulent and unruly dispo. sently observe, can or ought to be a sition. Lord Grey gives a very clear self-governing colony, for the very same account of the origin of the riots of reason that no French or Spanish co- Montreal, in 1849, in which the par. lony can be so_namely, that the mass liament houses and their valuable of the population is incapable of self- libraries were burnt, and awards great government. In Jamaica those who and apparently well-deserved praise to are or would have been capable of the Governor-General, Lord Elgin, self-government, have been corrupted for the moderation and forbearance he and incapacitated for the purpose, exercised on that occasion. One con. by having so long been, and still sequence of those riots was the remo. being, in the position of a dominant val of the seat of government from race or natural aristocracy.

Montreal, and the holding the sessions From the sugar colonies, as he calls of the legislature alternately at Toronto them, Lord Grey proceeds to those of and Quebec. North America, 'first and chief of Lord Grey then touches on the emi. which is Canada Canada has now gration question, showing what every succeeded in almost entirely emancipat. one will now agree with, that it would ing herself from the rule of the Colo have been most unwise for the Imperial nial Office. She has only to acquire Government to have embarked in the the right of electing her own Governor business of emigration, instead of con. when she will have attained her full fining itself to its proper duty of regu. position as a British colony, and any lating that business, as carried on by advance upon that can only be to the individuals. He, of course, also men. state of an independent nation. Lord tions the matter of the clergy reservesGrey speaks with some self-compla- a questio verata now happily at rest ; cency of the sbare which he and Lord and finally shows, from some lectures John Russell's administration had in by the Rev. Adam Lillie, and from placing Canada in the high and satis- Mr. Tremenhere's “ Notes," &c., that factory position she at present holds. the rate of progression in Canada, in As to that we can only say, that the increase of population, wealth, comImperial Government (of whatever merce, public works, and even public party) only consented to any steps education, so far from being inferior being taken towards the emancipation to that rate in the United States, is at of Canada when they found they least equal, if not superior to it, even could not help it. They had to choose taking the state of New York as their between keeping Canada in a state of term of comparison.

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