fary; the people there had been deluded and mifled by their leaders; and nothing, he feared, would compel them to return to their allegiance, but a continuance of the fame decifive exertions on our part, till we were fully enabled to convince them, that as our rights were indifputably fupreme, fo our ftrength was fully adequate to their full maintenance and fupport.

He concluded his remarks on the fpeech, with paffing great commendations on that humane, gracious, fatherly fpirit which, he faid, it breathed, and the invitation it held forth to our deluded colonies, to return to their loyalty and their former conftitutional connection, and attachment to this country. His Lordfhip moved, That an humble addrefs be prefented to his Majefty, to return his Majefty the thanks of this Houfe, for his moft gracious fpeech from the throne.

With hearts deeply interefted in every event which tends to increase his Majefty's domeftic felicity, and impreffed with the livelieft fentiments of duty and attachment to the Queen, to offer to his Majefty the congratulations of his faithful Commons, on the birth of another princefs, and on her Majefty's happy recovery.

To affure his Majefty, that we take a fincere part in the confidence which his Majefty expreffes, that the conduc and courage of his officers, and the fpirit and intrepidity of his forces, both by fea and land, will, under the Divine Providence, be attended with important fuccefs; but at the fame time we entirely concur with his Majefty, in thinking that it is neceffary to prepare for fuch further operations, as future events, and the contingencies of the war may render expedient; and that we learn with much fatisfaction, that his Majefty is for that purpose purfuing the proper measures, for keeping his land forces complete to their prefent eftablifhment; and that, whenever his Majefty fhall be pleafed to communicate to this Houfe any new engagements, which he may have entered into for increafing his military force; we will take the fame into our confideration, and we truft his Majefty will not be disappointed in the gracious fentiments, which he entertains of the zeal and public fpirit of this Houfe.

To declare, that we are truly fenfible, that his Majesty's conant care for the welfare of his people, and his generous concern for the happinets of mankind, difpofe his Majefty to defire, that the peace of Europe may not be difturbed;

but

but that we acknowledge with equal gratitude his Majefty's attention to the security of his kingdoms, and the protection of the extenfive commerce of his fubjects, in his having made a confiderable augmentation to his naval force, on which the reputation and importance of this nation must ever principally depend; and we hear with the highest fatisfaction, and rely with perfect confidence on his royal declaration, that he will always be the faithful guardian of the honour of the British crown.

To affure his Majefty, that we will, without delay, chearfully concur in all fuch expences as fhall be found neceffary for the welfare and effential interefts of these kingdoms, and for the vigorous profecution of the meafures in which we are engaged, for the re-establishment of that conftitutional fubordination, which, we truft, with the bleffing of God, his Majefty will be able to maintain through the feveral parts of his dominions.

That we acknowledge, with equal gratitude and admiration, his Majefty's paternal declaration, that he will be ever watchful for an opportunity of putting a ftop to the effufion of the blood of his fubjects, and the calamities of war.

That we cannot but ftill entertain a hope, that a difcernment of their true interefts, the remembrance of the bleffings they once enjoyed, and the fenfe of their present fufferings under the arbitrary tyranny of their leaders, will induce the deluded and unhappy multitude to return to their allegiance, and will re-animate their hearts with a spirit of loyalty to their fovereign, and of attachment to their mother country.

That the gracious and condefcending manner in which his Majefty expreffes his defire that he may be enabled to restore peace, order, and confidence to his American colonies, can not fail of endearing him to the hearts of all his fubjects; and to affure his Majefty, that, when this great work can be accomplished, and fettled on the true principles of the conftitution, his Majefty may depend on the moft zealous concurrence and fupport of this Houfe.

The Earl of Chesterfield feconded the motion, in a few words. Earl of ChefHe heartily agreed with what had been urged by the noble terfield. Lord who moved it. He was perfuaded that the increase of the prefent royal family was the beft fecurity for the Proteftant religion, and the prefervation of the conftitutional liberties of this country. He faid, our commanders in America, both by fea and land, were entitled to our highest

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confidence and thanks, and he made no doubt that their military skill, and the native bravery, intrepidity, and discipline of the troops, would in the end prevail. He lamented the occafion of employing them; but, he obferved, it became neceffary; he fhould therefore give his hearty concurrence to the addrefs, as moved by the noble Lord."

The Earl of Coventry. I have frequently, almost as ofCoventry. ten as the queftion has recurred, given my opinion of the impolicy of coercing America. I mean, in any or either event, practicable or impracticable; and I am forry that the means employed, as far as they have come to the knowledge of this Houfe, have been fo many fresh confirmations, that I have not been mistaken. Not a noble Lord in this House is more firmly perfuaded than myself, that the fupreme dominion and controul over every part and dependency of this empire, is ultimately lodged in this legiflature. The very effence and being of government require fuch a fupremacy to be lodged fomewhere; and it can hardly be feriously afferted, that the controul neceffary to carry on the purpofes of civil government, can be either divided or vefted elsewhere. This fupreme power, I do venture to affirm, pervades every part of the British dominions; but, while I contend for this, I am equally convinced of the abfardity of exerting it at firft, and the ftill greater folly of perfevering in a conduct which, I fear, will fooner or later prove the deftruction of this country. I now recommend what I have frequently before urged to your Lordships, to confider this country and America not what they are, but what they must be. Obferve the fcale both countries are laid down upon; confider the very different ftates they are however flowly, approaching to. Attend to the vaft extent of one, and the diminutive figure of Britain; to their domeftic fituations; to the increafe of population in one, and the inevitable decline of it in the other; the luxury, diffipation, and all their concomitant effects in this country, and the frugality, induftry, and confequent wife policy of America. Thefe, my Lords, were the main grounds on which I prefumed to trouble you from time to time on this fubject. I forefaw then, as I continue to do ftill, that a period muft arrive, when America would render herfclf independent; that this country would fall, and the feat of empire be removed beyond the Atlantic: nay, my Lords, fo firmly perfuaded am I of the event, that I always held it as a certain

and

and natural confequence of the connection between both

countries.

1 therefore always wifhed, that that day fhould be postponed, as far as the caufes I have mentioned could poffibly admit of; for as furely, and as long as the grafs continues to grow, or the fioke to afcend, the fame caufes will produce fimilar effects. As in the phyfical world they are uniform, fo in the political they are no lefs certain. This will, I prefume, account for the motives which have hitherto determined my conduct.

I fhould, my Lords, be very forry to be misunderstood, as if I defired to accelerate the independence of America, on account of its unimportance to this country; nothing can be, or ever was farther from my thoughts; I know its value too well: I wished for the farther enjoyment of it, till I perceived that fuch an expectation was founded in error: that moment arrived, the inftant the queftion relative to the right was agitated, or at least perfifted in, so as to lay a foundation for measures of coercion, fo long as we could have held America as a dependency, acknowledging fpontaneously her fubordination and political obedience to this country, America was worth retaining; when that friendly tie was broken, we fhould have endeavoured to conciliate; and if that did not fucceed, then have proclaimed her independent, and brought over as friends and allies those whom a contrary conduct would of neceffity have made our moft inveterate and powerful enemies.

But, my Lords, befides thofe general reafons, which I have feveral times fubmitted to your confideration, others have fince arifen, that give, in my opinion, additional weight to my former arguments; the chief of which is, the immediate impracticability and danger of the measures now purfuing; the imminent peril of not only the premature lofs of our colonies, but, what I think infinitely more important, the deftruction of this country; the precipitating us into that ruin which could not be effected but by the flow progreffive operations of thofe political caufes, which I have now alluded to; caufes, which muft, in all human probability, have taken place, at fome very remote and diftant period. Let your Lordships advert ferioufly to the true ftate of this country; the critical fituation of affairs in America; the difpofition of foreign powers; their ability and inclination to annoy us; the uncertainty of military events, and the numerous difficulties attending the carrying on a war at

fuch

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fuch a distance; in fhort, the manifold great obftructions, both natural and artificial, this nation has to contend with; and 1 much doubt but your Lordfhips will be ftrongly inclined to look forward to the very alarming and ferious confequences, a perfeverance fuch as that now recommended from the throne, may, nay I fear maft, be productive of. For my part, I fee nothing but ruin before us, fhould they be adopted. Though late, I think it is better to fit down with our prefent lofs, than continue to multiply those perils which furround us on every fide. I think the only measure which promifes even a temporary prefervation, is to withdraw our fleets and armies; and, by making a virtue of ne ceffity, declare America independent.

Thefe, my Lords, being my declared fentiments from the beginning, it cannot be fuppofed that I will give my concurrence to any vote for the further profecuting this ruinous, mad, deftructive war: I have rifen therefore, my Lords, to give my direct negative to the addrefs now moved.

The Earl of Chatham. My Lords, I moft chearfully agree Chatham, with the first paragraph of the addrefs moved by the noble Lord. I would even go proftrate myself at the foot of the throne, were it neceffary, to teftify my joy at any event which may promife to add to the domeftic felicity of my fovereign, at any thing which may feem to give a farther fecurity to the permanent enjoyment of the religious and civil rights of my fellow-fubjects; but while I do this, I muft at the fame time exprefs my ftrongest difapprobation of the addrefs, and the fatal measures which it approves. My Lords, it was cuftomary for the King, on fimiliar occafions, not to lead Parliament, but to be guided by it. It was ufual, I fay, my Lords, to afk the advice of this Houfe, the hereditary great council of the nation, not to dictate to it. My Lords, what does this fpeech fay? It tells you of measures. already agreed upon, and very cavalierly defires your concurrence. It indeed talks of wisdom and fupport; it counts on the certainty of events yet in the womb of time; but in point of plan and defign it is peremptory and dictatorial. Is this a proper language to be used to your Lordships? Is this a language fit to be endured? Is this high pretenfion to over-rule the difpofitions of Providence itself, and the will and judgment of Parliament, juftified by any former conduct or precedent prediction? No, my Lords, it is the language of an ill-founded confidence; a confidence, my Lords, I will be bold to fay, fupported hitherto only by a

fuc