pon the left in a leash, like a wild beast that had been taken in the snare. The novelty of the sight drew the whole city after it; but nobody was sa much surprised and pleased as the king, when he saw them approach in that pleasant masquerade. The rebellion of a prince, very powerful in his country, had given Artaxerxes great and just alarm; and he did not expect tc have seen him so soon in his hands. So sudden and successful an exécution gave him a higher opinion than ever of the merit of Datames.

To express his sense of it, he gave him an equal share in the command of the army designed against Egypt, with Pharnabasus and Tithraustes, the two principal persons in the state, and even appointed him general-in-chief, when he recalled Pharnabasus.

When he was upon the point of setting out for that expedition, Artaxerxes ordered him to march directly against Aspis, who had made the country revolt, which he commanded in the neighbourhood of Cappadocia. The commission was of little importance to an officer who had been appointed general, and besides very dangerous, because it was necessary to go in quest of the enemy into a very remote country. The king soon perceived his error, and countermanded him: but Datames had set out directly with a handful of men, and marched night and day; judging that diligence, without a great number of troops, was all that was necessary to surprise and vanquish the enemy. It happened according to his expectation; and the couriers despatched by the king, met Aspis in chains upon the road to Susa.

Nothing was talked of at court but Datames. It was not known which to admire most, his ready obedience, his wise and enterprising bravery, or his extraordinary success. So glorious a reputation gave offence to the courtiers in power. Enemies in secret to each other, and divided by a contrariety of interests, and a competition in their pretensions, they united together against a superior merit, which reproached their defects, and was therefore a crime in their acceptation. They conspired to ruin him in the king's opinion, and succeeded but too well. As they besieged him perpetually, and he was not upon his guard against persons who appeared so well affected to his service, they inspired him with jealousy and suspicion, to the prejudice of the most zealous and faithful of his officers.

An intimate friend of Datames, who held one of the highest posts at the court, apprised him of what passed, and of the conspiracy which had been formed against him, and had already sunk his credit considerably with the king. He represented to him, that if the Egyptian expedition, with which he was charged, should take a bad turn, he would find himself exposed to great dangers that it was the custom with kings to attribute good successes to themselves and their auspicious fortune only, and to impute the bad to the faults of their generals, for which they were responsible at the peril of their heads: that he ran the greater risk, as all that were about the king's person, and had any ascendant over him, were his declared enemies, and had sworn his destruction.*

:

Upon this advice, Datames resolved to quit the king's service, though with out doing any thing hitherto contrary to the fidelity he owed him. He left the command of the army to Mandrocles of Magnesia, departed with his own troops for Cappadocia, seized Paphlagonia which joined it, allied himself se cretly with Ariobarzanes, raised troops, took possession of fortresses, and put good garrisons in them. He received advice that the Pisidians were arming against him. He did not wait their coming on, but made his army march thither under the command of his youngest son, who had the misfortune to be killed in battle. However lively his affliction might be upon that occasion, he concealed his death, lest the bad news should discourage his troops. When

* Docet eum magno fore in periculo, siquid, illo imperante, in Egypto adversi accidisset. Namque eam 38se consuetudinem regum, ut casus adversos hominibus tribuant, secundos fortunæ suæ ; quo facile fieri, ut mpellantur ad corum perniciem, quorum ductu res male gestæ nuncientur. Illum hoc majore fore in dis emine, quod, quibus rex maxime obediat, eos habeat inimicissimos.—Corn. Nen,

300

he approached near the enemy, his first care was to take possession of an ad vantageous post. Mithrobarzanes, his father-in-law, who commanded the horse, believing his son entirely ruined, determined to go over to the enemy. Data. mes, without concern or emotion, caused a rumour to be spread throughout the army, that it was only a stratagem concerted between him and his father-inlaw, and followed him close, as if he designed to put his troops in a position for charging the enemy in two different attacks. This artifice was attended with all the success he expected from it. When they joined battle, Mithrobarzanes was treated as an enemy on both sides, and cut to pieces with his troops. The army of the Pisidians was put to flight, and left Datames master of the field, and of all the rich booty found in the camp of the conquered.*

Datames had not till then declared openly against the king, the actions we have related being only against governors, with whom he might have particular differences, which we have observed before was very common. His own eldest son, called Scismas, made himself his accuser, and discovered his whole design to the king. Artaxerxes was highly apprehensive of the consequence. He knew all the merit of this new enemy, and that he did not engage in any enterprise without having maturely considered all its consequences, and taken the necessary measures to secure its success; and that hitherto the execution nad always answered the wisdom of his projects. He sent an army against aim into Cappadocia, of almost two hundred thousand men, twenty thousand of which were horse, all commanded by Autophradates. The troops of Datames did not amount to the twentieth part of the king's: so that he had no resource but in himself, the valour of his soldiers, and the happy situation of the post he had chosen; for in that consisted his chief excellence; no captain having better known how to take advantage and choose his ground, when he was to draw up an army in battle.

His post, as I have observed, was infinitely superior to that of the enemy. He had pitched upon a situation where they could not surround him; where, upon the least movement they made, he could come to blows with them with very considerable advantage; and where, had they resolved to fight, their odds in number would have been absolutely useless to them. Autophradates well knew, that according to all the rules of war, he ought not to hazard a battle in such a conjuncture: but he observed at the same time, that it was much to his dishonour, with so numerous an army, to make choice of a retreat, or to continue any longer inactive before a handful of enemies. He therefore gave the signal. The first attack was violent; but the troops of Autophradates soon gave way, and were entirely routed. The victor pursued them for some time with great slaughter. There were only a thousand men killed on the side of Datames.

Several battles, or rather skirmishes, were fought afterwards, in which the latter was always victorious; because, perfectly knowing the country, and succeeding especially in the stratagems of war, he always posted himself advan tageously, and engaged the enemy in difficult ground, from whence they could not extricate themselves without loss. Autophradates, seeing all his endea yours ineffectual, and his supplies entirely exhausted, and despairing of ever be ing able to subject by force so artful and valiant an enemy, entreated an accom modation, and proposed to him his being restored to the king's favour upon honourable conditions. Datames was not ignorant, that there was little secur rity for him in such a choice, because princes are seldom reconciled in earnest with a subject who has failed in his obedience, and to whom they see thems selves in some sort obliged to submit. However, as only despair had hurried him into the revolt, and he had always retained at heart sentiments of zeal and affection for his prince, he accepted the offers with joy, which would put an end to the violent condition his misfortune had engaged him in, and af ford him the means o returning to his duty, and of employing his talents for

Biod. v. p. 399.

the service of the prince to whom they were due. He promised to send de puties to the king; upon which ensued a cessation of arms; and Autophra dates retired into Phrygia, which was his government.

Datames was not deceived. Artaxerxes, furiously enraged against him, had changed the esteem and affection he formerly professed for him, into an iniplacable hatred. Finding himself incapable of conquering him by the force of arms, he was not ashamed to employ artifice and treachery means unworthy of every man of honour, and much more so of a prince. He hired several murderers to assassinate him; but Datames was so happy as to escape their ambus cades. At length Mithridates, the son of Ariobarzanes, to whom the king had made magnificent promises, if he could deliver him from so formidable an enemy, having insinuated himself into his friendship, and having long treated him with all the marks of the most entire fidelity to acquire his conndence, took the advantage of a favourable opportunity when he was alone, and stabbed him with his sword before he was in a condition to defend himself.

Thus fell this great captain in the snares of a pretended friendship, who had always thought it his honour to observe the most inviolable fidelity, in regard to those with whom he had any engagements.* Happy had he always prided himself also upon being as faithful a subject, as he was a true friend, and if he had not, in the latter part of his life, sullied the lustre of his heroic qualities, by the ill use he made of them, which neither the fear of disgrace, the injustice of those who envied him, the ingratitude of his master for the services he had rendered him, nor any other pretext, could sufficiently authorise.

I am surprised that, comparable as he was to the greatest persons of antiquity, he had remained in a manner buried in silence and oblivion. His great actions and exploits are, however, worthy of being preserved in history: for it is in such small bodies of troops as these of Datames, that the whole soul is exerted, in which the highest prudence is shown, in which chance has no share, and the abilities of a general appear in their full light.

CHAPTER IV.

HISTORY OF SOCRATES ABRIDGED.

As the death of Socrates is one of the most considerable events of antiquity, I thought it incumbent on me to treat that subject with all the extent it deserves. In this view I shall premise some things, which are necessary to the reader's having a just idea of this prince of philosophers

Two authors will supply me principally with what I have to say upon this subject, Plato and Xenophon, both disciples of Socrates. It is to them that posterity is indebted for many of his discourses, that philosopher having left nothing in writing, and for an ample account of all the circumstances of his condemnation and death. Plato was an eye-witness of the whole, and relates, in his Apology, the manner of the accusation and defence of Socrates, in his Criton, his refusal to make his escape out of prison; in his Phædon, his admirable discourse upon the immortality of the soul, which was immediately followed by his death. Xenophon was absent at that time, and upon his return after the expedition of young Cyrus against his brother Artaxerxes: so that he wrote his Apclogy of Socrates only upon the report of others; but his actions and discourses, in his four books of memorable things, he repeats from his own

*Ita vir, qui multos consilio, neminem perfidia ceperat, simulata captus est amicitia.-Corn. Nep. †This doctrine of Mr. Rollin's may do very well in France, where implicit obedience to the grand mon rch is the law of the land; but it has too much of that exploded absurdity, passive obedience, founded in an erroneous acceptation of religion, to be admitted in a free nation; where, by the maxims of the law, and the constitution of the government, the subject in many instances is dispensed from his obedience, and may defend himself, even in arms, against his prince; viz. in cases of life and liberty.-Translator.

Socrates, cujus ingenium variosque sermones immortalitati eriptis suis Plato tradidit, literam nullar eliquit.-Cic. de Orat. 1. iii. n. 57.

knowledge. Diogenes Laertius has given us the life of Socrates, but in a very dry and abridged manner.

SECTION 1.-BIRTH AND EDUCATION OF SOCRATES.

SOCRATES was born at Athens, in the fourth year of the seventy-seventh Olympiad.* His father Sophroniscus was a sculptor, and his mother Phanarete a midwife. Hence we may observe, that meanness of birth is no obstacle to true merit, in which alone solid glory and real nobility consist. It appears from the comparisons which Socrates often used in his discourses, that he was neither ashamed of his father's or mother's profession. He was surprised that a sculptor should employ his whole attention to mould an insensible stone into the likeness of a man, and that a man should take so little pains not to resemble an insensible stone.† He would often say, that he exercised the functions of a midwife with regard to the mind, in making it bring forth all its thoughts, which was indeed the peculiar talent of Socrates. He treated subjects in so simple, natural, and pure an order, that he made those with whom he disputed say what he would, and find an answer themselves to all the ques tions he proposed to them. He at first learned his father's trade, in which he made himself very expert. In the time of Pausanias, there was a Mercury and the Graces to be seen at Athens of his workmanship; and it is to be presumed, these statues would not have found place among those of the greatest masters in the art, if they had not been thought worthy of it.

Criton is reported to have taken him out of his father's shop, from the admiration of his fine genius, and the opinion, that it was inconsistent for a young man, capable of the greatest things, to continue perpetually employed upon stone with a chisel in his hand. He was a disciple of Archelaus, who con ceived a great affection for him. Archelaus had been pupil to Anaxagoras, a very celebrated philosopher. His first study was physics, the works of nature and the movement of the heavens, stars, and planets; according to the custom of those times, wherein only that part of philosophy was known, and Xeno phon assures us of his being very learned in it. But after having found by his own experience, how difficult, abstruse, intricate, and at the same time how little useful that kind of learning was to the generality of mankind, he was the first, according to Cicero, who conceived the thought of bringing down philosophy from heaven, to place it in cities, and introduce it into private houses; humanizing it, to use that expression, and rendering it more familiar, more useful in common life, more within the reach of man's capacity, and applying it solely to what might make them more rational, just, and virtuous.** "He found there was a kind of folly in devoting the whole vivacity of his mind, and employing all his time, in inquiries merely curious, involved in impenetrable darkness, and absolutely incapable of contributing to human happiness; while he neglected to inform himself in the ordinary duties of life, and in learning what is conformable or opposite to piety, justice, and probity: in what fortitude, temperance, and wisdom consist; and what is the end of all government, what the rules of it, and what qualities are necessary for commanding and ruling well. We shall see in the sequel the use he made of this study.tt

It was so far from preventing him from discharging the duties of a good citi zen, that it was the means of making him the more observant of them. He bore arms, as did all the people of Athens; but with more pure and elevated motives. He made many campaigns, was present in many actions, and always

Diog. Laert. in Socrat. p. 100.
Paus. 1. ix. p. 596.

Diod. p. 101.

* A. M. 3533. Ant. J. C. 471. † Ibid. p. 119. Plat. in Theatet. p. 149, &c. T Lib. iv. Mem. p. 710. **Socrates primus philosophiam devocavit e cœlo, et in urbibus collocavit, et in domos etiam introduxit, et coegit de vita et moribus, rebusque bonis et malis quærere.-Cic. Tusc. Quæst. 1. v. n. 10. Socrates mihi videtur, id quod constat inter omnes, primus a rebus occultis, et ab ipsa natura involutis, in quibus omnes ante eum philosophi occupati fuerunt, avocavisse philosophiam, et ad vitam communem ad. duxisse, ut de virtutibus et vitiis, omninoque de bonis rebus et malis quæreret; cœlestia autem vel proce esse a nostra cognitione censeret, vel si maxime cognita essent, nihil tamen ad bene vivendum conferre. Cic. Acad. Quest 1. i. n.15 tt Xenoph Memorab. 1. i p 710

distinguished himself by his valour and fortitude. He was seen towards the end of his life, giving in the senate. of which he was a member, the most shining proofs of his zeal for justice, without being intimidated by the greatest present dangers.

He had accustomed himself early to a sober, severe, laborious life; without which it seldom happens that men are capable of discharging the greatest part of the duties of good citizens. No man could carry the contempt of riches and the love of poverty farther than he did. He thought it a divine perfection to oe in want of nothing: and believed that the less we are contented with, the nearer we approach to the Divinity.* *Seeing the pomp and show displayed by luxury in certain ceremonies, and the infinite quantity of gold and silver employed in them. "How many things," said he, congratulating himself on his condition," do I not want!" "Quantis non egeo!"t

His father left him eighty minæ, which he lent to one of his friends who had occasion for that sum. But the affairs of that friend having taken an ill turn, he lost the whole; and suffered that misfortune with such indifference and tranquillity, that he did not so much as complain of it. We find it in Xeno phon's Economies, that his whole estate amounted to no more than five minæ.§ The richest persons of Athens were his friends, who could never prevail on him to accept a share of their wealth. When he was in want of any thing, he was not ashamed to declare it: "If I had money," said he one day in an assembly of his friends, "I should buy me a cloak." He did not address himself to any one in particular, but contented himself with that general informa tion. His disciples contended for the honour of making him this small present; which was being too slow, says Seneca; their own observation should have prevented both the want and the demand.||

He generously refused the offers and presents of Archelaus king of Macedon, who was desirous of having him at his court; adding," that he could not go to a man, who could give him more than it was in his power to return." Another philosopher does not approve this answer. "Was it making a prince a small return," says Seneca, "to undeceive him in his false ideas of grandeur and magnificence; to inspire him with a contempt for riches; to show him the right use of them; to instruct him in the great art of reigning; in a word, to teach him how to live and how to die? But," continues Seneca, "the true reason which prevented his going to the court of that prince, was, that he did not think it consistent for him to seek a voluntary servitude, whose liberty a free city could not suffer him to enjoy. "Noluit ire ad voluntariam servitutem, is, cujus libertatem civitas libera ferre non potuit."¶

The peculiar austerity of his life did not render him gloomy and morose, as was too common with the philosophers of those times.** In company and conversation he was always gay and facetious, and the sole joy and spirit of the entertainment. Though he was very poor, he took a pleasure in the neatness of his person and house, and could not suffer the ridiculous affectation of Antisthenes, who always wore dirty and ragged clothes. He told him once, that through the holes of his cloak, and the rest of his tatters, abundance of vanity might be discerned.tt

One of the most distinguishing qualities of Socrates, was a tranquillity of soul, that no accident, no loss, no injury, no ill treatment, could ever alter. Some have believed, that he was by nature hasty and passionate, and that the moderation to which he had attained, was the object of his reflections and endeavours 'o subdue and correct himself: which would still add to his merit Seneca .ells

Xenoph. Memorab. . p. 31.

† Socrates in pompa, cum magna vis auri argentique ferretur: Quam multa non desidero ? inquit.—Cic. Tusc. Quæst. 1. 5.

Liban in Apolog Socrat. p. 640.

Xenoph. Econ. p. 82. Socrates, amicis audientibus; Emissem,' inquit, "pallium, si nummos haberem." Neminem po poscit, cmnes admonuit. A quo acciperet, ambitus fuit. Post hoc quisquis properaverit, sero dat; jam So crati defuit.-Senec. de Benef. 1. vii. c. 24.

Senec, de Benef. 1. v. c. 6

** Xenoph. in Conviv.

tt lian. 1. iv. c. 11. et ix. c. 33