meni and sole delight from his earliest infancy; so that it was surprising, and a question frequently asked, how, and at what time it was possible for a man always busy among books, to attain, or rather seize, the knowledge of the military art in so great a degree of perfection.* Fond of leisure, which he devoted to the study of philosophy, his darling passion, he shunned public employments, and made no interest but to exclude himself from them. His moderation concealed him so well, that he lived obscure and almost unknown. His merit however discovered him. He was taken from his solitude by force, to be placed at the head of armies; and he demonstrated, that philosophy, though generally in contempt with those who aspire to the glory of arms, is wonderfully useful in forming heroes. For, besides the knowledge of conquering one's self, which is a great advance towards conquering the enemy, in this s hool were anciently taught the great maxims of true policy, the rules of every kind of duty, the motives for a true discharge of them: what we owe our cou atry, the right use of authority, wherein true courage consists, in a word, the qualities that form the good citizen, statesman, and great captain.† He possessed all the ornaments of the mind; he had the talent of speaking in perfection, and was well versed in the most sublime sciences. But a modest reserve threw a veil over all those excellent qualities, which still augmented their value, and of which he knew not what it was to be ostentatious. Spintharus, in giving his character, said, “that he never had met with a man who knew more and spoke less." It may be said therefore of Epaminondas, that he falsified the proverb, which treated the Baotians as gross and stupid. This was their common cha racteristic, and was imputed to the gross air of the country, as the Athenian delicacy of taste was attributed to the subtlety of the air they breathed.§ Horace says, "that to judge of Alexander from his bad taste of poetry, one would swear him a true Boeotian." Epist. i. 1. 2. "Brotum in crasso jurares ære natum." In thick Baotian air you'd swear him born. When Alcibiades was reprcached with having little inclination to music, he thought fit to make this excuse; "it is for the Thebans to sing as they do, who know not how to speak." Pindar and Plutarch, who had very little of the soil in them, and who are proofs that genius is of all nations, do themselves condemn the stupidity of their countrymen. Epaminondas did honour to his country, not only by the greatness of his military exploits, but by that sort of merit which results from elevation of genius, and the study of science. I shall conclude his portrait and character with a circumstance, that gives place in nothing to all his other excellencies, and which may in some sense be preferred to them, as it expresses a good heart, and a tender and sensible spirit, qualities very rare among the great, but infinitely more estimable than all those splendid attributes, which the vulgar of mankind commonly gaze at with admiration, and seem almost the only objects worthy either of being imitated or envied. The victory at Leuctra had drawn the eyes and admiration of all the neighbouring people upon Epaminondas, who looked upon him as the support and restorer of Thebes, as the triumphant conqueror of Sparta, as the deliverer of all Greece; in a word, as the greatest man, and the most excellent captain, that ever was in the world. In the midst of this universal applause, so capable of making the general of an army forget the man for the victor, Epaminondas, little sensible to so affecting and so deserved a glory, modestly said, "my joy arises from my sense of that, which the news of my victory will give to my father and mother."¶ Jam literarum studium, jam philosophiæ doctrina tanta, ut mirabile videretur, unde tam insignis mi litiæ scientia homini inter literas nato.-Justin. Plut. de Audit. p. 38. The works of Plato, Xenophon, and Aristotle, are proofs of this. T Plut. in Coriol. p. 215. Notning in history seems so valuable to me as such sentiments, which do honour to human nature, and proceed from a heart, which neither false glory nor false greatness have corrupted. I confess it is with grief I see those noble sentiments daily expire among us, especially in persons whose birth and rank raise them above others, who, too frequently, are neither good fathers, good sons, good husbands, nor good friends; and who would think it a disgrace to them to express for a father and mother the tender regard, of which we have here so fine an example from a pagan. Until the time of Epaminondas, two cities had exercised alternately a kind of empire over all Greece. The justice and moderation of Sparta had at first acquired it a distinguished pre-eminence, which the pride and haughtiness of ts generals, and especially of Pausanias, soon lost to it. The Athenians, until the Peloponnesian war, held the first rank, but in a manner scarcely discernible in any other respect, than their care in acquitting themselves worthily, and in giving their inferiors just reason to believe themselves their equals. They judged at that time, and very justly, that the true method of commanding, and of continuing their power, was to evidence their superiority only by services and benefactions. Those times, so glorious for Athens, were of about forty-five years continuance, and they retained a part of that pre-eminence during the twenty-seven years of the Peloponnesian war, which make in all, the seventy-two or seventy-three years which Demosthenes gives to the duration of their empire: but for this latter space of time, the Greeks, disgusted by the haughtiness of Athens, received no laws from that city but with reluctance.* Hence the Lacedæmonians became again the arbiters of Greece, and continued so from the time Lysander made himself master of Athens, until the first war undertaken by the Athenians, after their re-establishment by Conon, to withdraw themselves and the rest of the Greeks from the tyranny of Sparta, which was now grown more insolent than ever. At length, Thebes disputed the supremacy, and, by the exalted merit of a single man, saw itself at the head of all Greece. But that glorious condition was of no long continuance, and the death of Epaminondas, as we have already cbserved, plunged it again into the obscurity in which he found it. Demosthenes remarks, in the passage above cited, that the pre-eminence granted voluntarily either to Sparta or Athens, was a pre-eminence of honour, not of dominion, and that the intent of Greece was to preserve a kind of equality and independence in the other cities. Hence, says he, when the governing city attempted to ascribe to itself what did not belong to it, and aimed at any innovations contrary to the rules of justice and established customs, all the Greeks thought themselves obliged to have recourse to arms, and without any motive of private discontent, to espouse with ardour the cause of the injured. I shall add here another very judicious reflection from Polybius. He attributes the wise conduct of the Athenians, in the time I speak of, to the ability of the generals who were then at the head of their affairs; and he makes use of a comparison, which explains, not unhappily, the character of that people. A vessel without a master," says he "is exposed to great dangers, when every one insists upon its being steered according to his opinion, and will comply with no other measures. If then a rude storm attacks it, the common danger conciliates and unites them; they submit themselves to the pilot's skill; ad all their rowers doing their duty, the ship is saved, and in a state of secu rity. But when the tempest ceases, and the weather grows calm again, if the discord of the mariners revive; if they will hearken no longer to the pilot, and some are for continuing the voyage, while others resolve to stop in the midst of the course; if on one side they loose their sails, and furl them on the other; it often happens that, after having escaped the most violent storms, they are shipwrecked even in the port This is a natural image of the Athenian republic. As long as it suffered itself to be guided by the wise counsels of an * Demost. Philip. iii. p. 89. Aristides, a Themistocles, and a Pericles, it came off victorious from the great. est dangers. But prosperity blinded and ruined it; following no longer any thing but caprice, and having become too insolent to be advised or governed, it plunged itself into the greatest misfortunes." SECTION VII.-DEATH OF EVAGORAS, KING OF SALAMIN. RACTER OF THAT PRINCE. ADMIRABLE CHA THE third year of the 101st Olympiad, soon after the Thebars had destroyed Plate and Thespiæ, as has been observed before, Evagoras king of Salamin, in the isle of Cyprus, of whom much has been already said, was assassinated by one of the eunuchs. His son, Nicocles, succeeded him. He had a fine model before him in the person of his father; and he seemed to make it his duty to be entirely intent upon treading in his steps. When he took possession of the throne, he found the public treasures entirely exhausted, by the great expenses his father had been obliged to be at in the long war between him and the king of Persia. He knew that the generality of princes, upon like occasions, thought every means just for the re-establishment of their affairs; but for him, he acted upon different principles. In his reign, there was no talk of banishment, taxes, and confiscation of estates. The public felicity was his sole object, and justice his favourite virtue. He discharged the debts of the state gradually, not by crushing the people with excessive imposts, but by retrenching all unnecessary expenses, and by using a wise economy in the administration of his revenue. "I am assured," said he, "that no citizen can complain that I have done him the least wrong; and I have the satisfaction to know, that I have enriched many with an unsparing hand.§ He believed this kind of vanity, if it be vanity, might be permitted in a prince, and that it was glorious for him to have it in his power to make his subjects such a defiance. He gloried also in particular upon another virtue, which is the more admirable in princes, as very uncommon in their fortunes; I mean temperance. It is most amiable, but very difficult, in an age and fortune to which every thing is lawful, and wherein pleasure, armed with all her arts and attractions, is continually lying in ambush for a young prince, and preventing his desires, to make a long resistance against the violence and insinuation of her soft assaults. Nicocles gloried in having never known any woman besides his wife during his reign, and was amazed that all other contracts of civil society should be treated with due regard, while that of marriage, the most sacred and inviola ble of obligations, was broken through with impunity; and that men should not blush to commit an infidelity in respect to their wives, of which should their wives be guilty, it would throw them into the utmost anguish and despair. What I have said of the justice and temperance of Nicocles, Isocrates puts into that prince's own mouth; and it is not probable that he should make him speak in such a manner, if his conduct had not agreed with such sentiments. It is in a discourse, supposed to be addressed by that king to his people, wherein he describes to them the duties of subjects to their princes; love, respect, obedience, fidelity, and devotion to their service, and to engage them more effectually to the discharge of those duties, that he does not disdain to give them an account of his own conduct and sentiments. In another discourse, which precedes this, Isocrates explains to Nicocies all the duties of the sovereignty, and makes excellent reflections upon that subject, of which I can repeat here only a very small part. He begins by te". ing him that the private virtue of persons is much better supported than I is own, by the mediocrity of their condition; by the employment and cares inseparable from it; by the misfortunes to which they are frequently exposed; by their distance from pleasures and luxury; and particularly, by the liberty which their friends and relations have of giving them advice; whereas the Polyb. I. vii. p. 488 † A. M. 3630. Ant. J. C. 874. Diod. l. xv. p. 369. Ibid. p. 65-66. Isocrat. in Nicoc. p orality of princes have none of these advantages. He adds, that a king, who would make himself capable of governing well, ought to avoid an idle and inactive life, shouid set apart a proper time for business and public affairs, should form his council of the most able and experienced persons in his kingdom, should endeavour to make himself as much superior to others by his merit and wisdom, as he is by his dignity, and especially to acquire the love of his subjects, and for that purpose love them sincerely, and look upon himself as their common father. Persist," ," said he, "in the religion you have received from your forefathers; but be assured, that the most grateful adoration and sacrifice that you can offer to the Divinity, is that of the heart, in rendering yourself good and just. Show upon all occasions so high a regard for truth, that a single word from you may be more confided in than the oath of others. Be a warrior, by your ability in military affairs, and by such a warlike provision as may intimidate your enemies; but let your inclinations be pacific, and be rigidly exact in never pretending to, or undertaking any thing unjustly. The only certain proof that you have reigned well, will be the power of bearing this testimony to yourself, that your people are become both more happy, and more wise, under your government."* What seems to me the most remarkable in this discourse is, that the advice which Isocrates gives the king is neither attended with praises, nor with those studied reservations and artificial turns, without which fearful and modest truth dares not venture to approach the throne. This is most worthy of applause, and more for the prince's than the writer's praise. Nicocles, far from being offended at these counsels, received them with joy; and to express his gratitude to Isocrates, made him a present of twenty talents.† SECTION IX.-ARTAXERXES MNEMON UNDERTAKES THE REDUCTION OF EGYPT ARTAXERXES, after having given his people a relaxation of several years, had formed the design of reducing Egypt which had shaken off the Persian yoke long before, and made great preparations for war for that purpose. Achoris, who then reigned in Egypt, and had given Evagoras powerful aid against the Persians, foreseeing the storm, raised a great number of troops from among his own subjects, and took into his pay a great body of Greeks, and other auxiliary soldiers, who were under the command of Chabrias.§ He had accepted that office without the authority of the republic. Pharnabasus, having been charged with this war, sent to Athens to complain that Chabrias had engaged himself to serve against his master, and threatened the republic with the king's resentment if he was not immediately recalled. He demanded at the same time Iphicrates, another Athenian, who was looked upon as one of the most excellent captains of his time, to give him the command of the body of Greek troops in the service of his master. The Athenians, who had a great interest in the continuance of the king's friendship, recalled Chabrias, and ordered him, upon pain of death, to repair to Athens by a certain day. Iphicrates was sent to the Persian army. The preparations of the Persians went on so slowly, that two whole years elapsed before they entered upon action. Achoris king of Egypt died in that time, and was succeeded by Psammuthis, who reigned but one year. Nephreritus ascended the throne next, and four months after him, Nectanebis, who reigned ten or twelve years.|| Artaxerxes, to draw more troops out of Greece, sent ambassadors thither to declare to the several states, that the king's intention was, that they should all live in peace with each other, conformably to the treaty of Antalcides; that all garrisons should be withdrawn, and all the cities suffered to enjoy their liberty under their respective laws. All Greece received this declaration with pleasure, except the Thebans, who refused to conform to it. T Ibid. ad Nicoc. Plut. in V.t. Isoc. p. 838. A. M. 3627. Ant. J C. 37% Diod.l. vv. p. 328, et 347. VOL. II. 19 At length every thing being in readiness for the invasion of Egypt, a camp was formed at Acæ, since called Ptolemais, in Palestine, the place appointed for the general rendezvous. In a review there, the army was found to consist of two hundred thousand Persians, under the command of Pharnabasus, and twenty thousand Greeks, under Iphicrates. The forces at sea were in proportion to those on land; their fleet consisting of three hundred galleys, besides two hundred vessels of thirty oars, and a prodigious number of barks to transport the necessary provisions for the fleet and army.* The army and fleet began to move at the same time; and that they might act in concert, they separated from each other as little as possible. The war was to open with the siege of Pelusium; but so much time had been given the Egyptians, that Nectanebis had rendered the approach to it impracticable both by sea and land. The fleet, therefore, instead of making a descent, as had been projected, sailed forward, and entered the mouth of the Nile called Mendesium. The Nile at that time emptied itself into the sea by seven different channels, only two† of which remain at this day; and at each of those mouths there was a fort with a good garrison to defend the entrance. The Mendesium not being so well fortified as that of Pelusium, where the enemy was expected to land, the descent was made with no great difficulty. The fort was carried sword in hand, and no quarter given to those who were found in it. After this signal action, Iphicrates thought it adviseable to reimbark upon the Nile without loss of time, and to attack Memphis, the capital of Egypt. If that opinion had been followed before the Egyptians had recovered from the panic into which so formidable an invasion, and the blow already received, had thrown them, they would have found the capital undefended, and it would have inevi tably fallen into their hands, and all Egypt been re-conquered. But the main body of the army not being arrived, Pharnabasus believed it necessary to wait its coming up, and would undertake nothing, till he had re-assembled all his troops; under pretext, that they would then be invincible, and that there would be no obstacle capable of withstanding them. Iphicrates, who knew, that, in affairs of war especially, there are certain fa vourable and decisive moments, which it is absolutely proper to seize, judged quite differently, and in despair to see an opportunity suffered to escape, that might never be retrieved, made pressing instances for permission to go at least with the twenty thousand men under his command. Pharnabasus refused to comply with that command, out of abject jealousy; apprehending, that if the enterprise succeeded, the whole glory of the war would redound to Iphicrates. This delay gave the Egyptians time to look around them. They drew all their troops together into a body, put a good garrison into Memphis, and with the rest of their army kept the field, and harassed the Persians in such a manner, that they prevented their advancing farther into the country. After which came on the inundation of the Nile, which laying all Egypt under water, the Persians were obliged to return into Phoenicia, after having first lost the best part of their troops. Thus this expedition, which had cost immense sums, and for which the preparations alone had given so much difficulty for upwards of two years, entirely miscarried, and produced no other effect, than an irreconcileable enmity between the two generals who had the command of it. Pharnabasus, to excuse himself, accused Iphicrates of having prevented its success; and Iphicrates, with much more reason, laid all the fault upon Pharnabasus. But well assured that the Persian lord would be believed at his court in preference to him, and remembering what had happened to Conon, to avoid the fate of that illustrious Athenian, he chose to retire secretly to Athens in a small vessel which he hired. Pharnabasus caused him to be accused there, of having rendered the expedi tion against Egypt abortive. The people of Athens made answer, that if he could be convicted of that crime, he should be punished as he deserved. But • Diod. 1. xv. p. 358, 359. Damietta and Rosetta |