of them having three benches of oars, and others fifty oars a piece, with their sides turned towards the Euxine sea; and on the side that faced the Ægean sea they put three hundred and fourteen. They then cast large anchors into the water on both sides, in order to fix and secure all these vessels against the violence of the winds, and against the current of the water.* On the east side they left three passages or vacant spaces between the vessels, that there night be room for small boats to pass easily, as there was occasion, to and rom the Euxine sea. After this, upon the land on both sides they drove large Diles into the earth, with huge rings fastened to them, to which were tied six rast cables, which went over each of the two bridges; two of which cables were made of hemp, and four of a sort of reeds, called Bacs, which were used in those times in the manufacture of cordage. Those that were made of Demp must have been of an extraordinary strength and thickness, since every ubit of those cables weighed a talent. The cables, laid over the whole extent of the vessels lengthwise, reached from one side of the sea to the other. When this part of the work was finished, quite over the vessels lengthwise, and over the cables we have been speaking of, they laid the trunks of trees, cut purposely for that use, and flat boats again over them, fastened and joined together, to serve as a kind of floor or solid bottom: all which they covered over with earth, and added rails or battlements on each side, that the horses and cattle might not be frightened with seeing the sea in their passage. Such was the construction of those famous bridges built by Xerxes.‡ When the whole work was completed, a day was appointed for their passing over and as soon as the first rays of the sun began to appear, sweet odours of all kinds were abundantly spread over both the bridges, and the way was strewed with myrtle. At the same time Xerxes poured out libations into the sea, and turning his face towards the sun, the principal object of the Persian worship, he implored the assistance of that god in the enterprise he had undertaken, and desired the continuance of his protection till he had made the entire conquest of Europe, and had brought it into subjection to his power. This done, he threw the vessel which he used in making his libations, together with a golden cup, and a Persian scimitar, into the sea. The army was seven days and seven nights in passing over the strait; those who were appointed to conduct the march, lashing the poor soldiers all the while with whips, in order to quicken their speed, according to the custom of that nation, which properly speaking was only a vast assemblage of slaves. SECTION III. The number of XERXES' FORCES, &c. &c. XERXES directing his march across the Thracian Chersonesus, arrived at Dor, a city standing at the mouth of the Hebrus in Thrace; where, having encamped his army, and given orders to his fleet to follow him along the shore, he reviewed them both. He found that the land army, which he had brought out of Asia, consisted of seventeen hundred thousand foot, and of eighty thousand horse, which, with at least twenty-thousand men that were absolutely necessary for conducting and taking care of the carriages and the camels, amounted in all to eighteen hundred thousand men. When he had passed the Hellespont, the other nations that submitted to him made an addition to his army of three hundred thousand men, which made all his land forces together amount to two mil lions one hundred thousand men. His fleet, when it set out from Asia, consisted of twelve hundred and seven vessels, or gallies, all of three benches of oars, and intended for fighting. Each vessel carried two hundred men, natives of the country that fitted them out, besides thirty more, that were either Persians or Medes, or of the Sacæ; *Polybius remarks, that there is a current of water from the lake Mæotis and the Euxine Sea, into the Egean Sea, occasioned by the rivers which empty themselves into those two seas.-Polyb. 1. iv. p. 307, 308. A talent in weight consisted of 80 minæ, or 42 pounds of our weight; and the mine consisted of 100 drachmas. Herod. 1. vii. c. 36. which formed a total of two hundred and seventy-seven thousand six hundred and ten men. The European nations augmented his fleet with a hundred and twenty vessels, each of which carried two hundred men, in all four and twenty thousand: these, added to the other, amounted together to three hundred and one thousand six hundred and ten men. Besides this fleet, which consisted all of large vessels, the small galleys of thirty and fifty oars, the transport-ships, the vessels that carried the provisions, and that were employed in other uses, amounted to three thousand. If we reckon but eighty men in each of these vessels, one with another, the whole number would be two hundred and forty thousand men. Thus, when Xerxes arrived at Thermopyla, his land and sea forces, toge ther, made up the number of two millions six hundred and forty-one thousan six hundred and ten men, exclusive of servants, eunuchs, women, sutlers, anc other people of that sort, who usually follow an army, and whose number at this time was equal to that of the forces: so that the whole number of souls that followed Xerxes in this expedition amounted to five millions, two hundred and eighty-three thousand, two hundred and twenty.* This is the computa tion made of them by Herodotus, and in which Plutarch and Isocrates agree with him. Diodorus Siculus, Pliny, Ælian, and others, fall very short of this number in their calculation; but their accounts of the matter appear to be less authentic than that of Herodotus, who lived in the same age in which this expedition was undertaken, and who repeats the inscription engraved, by order of the Amphictyons, upon the monument of those Grecians who were killed at Thermopyla, which expressed that they fought against three millions of men.† For the sustenance of all these persons, there must have been daily consumed, according to Herodotus's computation, above a hundred and ten thou sand three hundred and forty medimni of flour, (the medimnus was a mea sure, which, according to Budæus, was equivalent to six of our bushels) allowing for every head the quantity of a choenix, which was the daily portion or allowance that masters gave their slaves among the Grecians. We have no account in history of any other army so numerous as this. And among these millions of men, there was not one that could vie with Xerxes in point of beauty, either for the comeliness of his face, or the tallness of his person. But this is a poor merit or pre-eminence for a prince, when attended with no other. Accordingly Justin, after he has mentioned the number of these troops, adds that this vast body of forces wanted a chief: Huic tanto agmini dux defuit. We should hardly be able to conceive how it was possible to find a sufficient quantity of provisions for such an immense number of persons, if the historian had not informed us that Xerxes had employed four whole years in making preparations for this expedition.§. We have already seen how many vessels of burden there were that coasted along continually to attend upon and supply the land army; and doubtless there were fresh ones arriving every day, that furnished the camp with a sufficiency of all things necessary. Herodotus acquaints us with the method they made use of to calculate their forces, which were almost innumerable. They assembled ten thousand men in a particular place, and ranked them as close together as was possible; after which they described a circle quite round them, and erected a little wall upor that circle about half the height of a man's body; when this was done, they made the whole army successively pass through this space, and thereby knew to what number it amounted.|| Herodotus gives us, also, a particular account of the different armour of all the nations which composed this army. Besides the generals of every nation, who each of them commanded the troops of their respective country, the land army was under the command of six Persian generals; viz. Mardonius, the son of *Herod. 1. vii. c. 56-99, and 184-187, Pod. I. xi. p. 3. Plin. 1. xxxiii. c. 10. Elian. xiii. c. 3. Herod. 1. viii. c. 20. Herod. 1. viii. c. 137 Gobryas; Tirintatechmus, the son of Artabanes, and Smerdonus, son of Ota nes, both near relations to the king; Masistus, son of Darius and Atossa; Ger gis, son of Ariazes; and Megabyzus, son of Zopyrus. The ten thousand Persians, who were called the Immortal Band, were commanded by Hydarnes. The cavalry had its particular commanders. There were likewise four Persian generals who commanded the fleet. In Herodotus we have a particular account of all the nations by which it was fitted out. Artemisa, queen of Halicarnassus, who from the death of her hus band governed the kingdom for her son, who was still a minor brought but five vessels along with her; but they were the best equipped, and the lightest ships in the whole fleet, next to those of the Sidonians. The princess distinguished herself in this war by her singular courage, and still more by her prudence and conduct. Herodotus observes, that among all the commanders in the army, there was not one who gave Xerxes so good advice and such wise counsel as this queen; but he was not prudent enough to apply it to his advantage.* When Xerxes had numbered his whole forces by land and sea, he asked Demaratus, if he thought the Grecians would dare to withstand him. I have already taken notice, that this Demaratus was one of the two kings of Sparta, who, being exiled by the faction of his enemies, had taken refuge at the Persian court, where he was entertained with the greatest marks of honour and beneficence. As the courtiers were one day expressing their surprise that a king should suffer himself to be banished, and desired him to acquaint them with the reason of it: "It is," said he, " because the law is more powerful than the kings at Sparta." This prince was very highly esteemed in Persia : but neither the injustice of the Spartan citizens, nor the kind treatment of the Persian king, could make him forget his country. As soon as he knew that Xerxes was making preparations for the war, he found means to give the Grecians secret intelligence of it. And now, being obliged, on this occasion, to speak his sentiments to the king, he did it with such a noble freedom and dignity, as became a Spartan and a king of Sparta. Demaratus, before he answered the king's question, desired to know whether it was his pleasure that he should flatter him, or that he should speak his thoughts to him freely and truly. Xerxes having declared that he desired him to act with entire sincerity, he spoke in the following terms: "Great prince," said Demaratus," since it is agreeable to your pleasure and commands, I shall deliver my sentiments to you with the utmost truth and sincerity. It must be confessed, that, from the beginning of time, Greece has been trained up, and accustomed to poverty: but then she has introduced and established virtue within her territories, which wisdom cultivates and the vigour of her laws main tains. And it is by the use which Greece knows how to make of this virtue, thal she equally defends herself against the inconveniences of poverty, and the yoke of servitude. But, to speak only of the Lacedæmonians, my particular coun trymen, you may assure yourself, that as they are born and bred up in liberty, they will never hearken to any proposals that tend to slavery. Though they were deserted and abandoned by all the other Grecians, and reduced to a band of a thousand men, or even to a more inconsiderable number, they will still come out to meet you, and not refuse to give you battle."§ Xerxes, upon hearing this discourse, laughed, and said he could not comprehend how men, in such a state of liberty and independence as the Lacedæmonians were described to enjoy, who had no master to force and compel them to it, could be capable of exposing themselves in such a manner to danger and death: Demaratus replied: "The Spartans indeed are free, and under no subjection to the will of any man; but at the same time they have laws, to which they are subject, and of which they stand in greater awe than your subjects do of your majesty. Now, by these laws they are forbid ever to fly in battle, let the num Herod. 1. vii. 89, 90. i Amicior patriæ post fagam, quam regi post beneficia.-Justin. Plut in Apoph. Lacon. p. 220. ber of their enemies be ever so superior; and are commanded, by abiding firm in their post, either to conquer or to die."* Xerxes was not offended at the liberty wherewith Demaratus spoke to him, and continued his march. SECTION IV. THE LACEDÆMONIANS AND ATHENIANS SEND to their allies in VAIN TO REQUIRE SUCCOURS FROM THEM. THE COMMAND OF THE FLEET GIVEN TO THE LACEDÆMONIANS. LACEDEMON and Athens, which were the two most powerful cities of Greece, and the cities against which Xerxes was most exasperated, were not indo lent or negligent while so formidable an enemy was approaching. Having received intelligence long before of the designs of that prince, they had sent spies to Sardis, in order to have a more exact information of the number and quality of his forces. These spies were seized and as they were just on the point of being put to death, Xerxes countermanded it, and gave orders that they should be conducted through his army and then sent back without any harm being done to them. At their return, the Grecians understood what they had to apprehend from so potent an enemy.† They sent deputies at the same time to Argos, into Sicily, to Gelon tyrant of Syracuse, to the isles of Corcyra and Crete, to desire succours from them, and to form a league against the common enemy. The people of Argos offered a considerable succour, on condition they should have an equal share of the authority as either of the two kings of Sparta. This was granting them a great deal but into what errors and mischiefs are not men led by a mistaken point of honour, and a foolish jealousy of command! The Argives were not contented with this offer, and refused to enter into a league with the Grecians, without considering, that if they suffered them to be destroyed, their own ruin must inevitably follow.‡ The deputies proceeded from Argos to Sicily, and addressed themselves to Gelon, who was the most potent prince of the Greeks at that time He promised to assist them with two hundred vessels of three benches of oars, with an army of twenty thousand foot and two thousand horse, two thousand light-armed soldiers, and the same number of bow-men and slingers, and to supply the Grecian army with provisions during the whole war, on condition they would make him generalissimo of all the forces both by land and sea. The Lacedæmonians were highly offended at such a proposal. Gelon then abated somewhat in his demands, and promised the same, provided he had at least the command either of the fleet or of the army. This proposal was strenuously opposed by the Athenians, who made answer, that they alone had a right to command the fleet, in case the Lacedæmonians were willing to give it up. Gelon had a more substantial reason for not leaving Sicily unprovided with troops, which was the approach of the formidable army of the Carthaginians, commanded by Amilcar, which consisted of three hundred thousand men.§ The inhabitants of Corcyra, now called Corfu, gave the envoys a more favourable answer, and immediately put to sea with a fleet of sixty vessels. But they advanced no farther than to the coasts of Laconia, pretending they were hindered by contrary winds, but in reality waiting to see the success of an engageinent, that they might afterwards range themselves on the side of the conqueror. The people of Crete, having consulted the Delphic oracle, to know what resolution they were to take on this occasion, refused to enter into the league. T Thus were the Lacedæmonians and Athenians left almost to themselves, all the rest of the cities and nations having submitted to the heralds that Xerxes had sent to require earth and water of them, excepting the people of Thespia and of Platææ.** In so pressing a danger, their first care was to put an end to all discord and division among themselves; for which reason the Athenians made peace with the people of Ægina, with whom they were actually at war.tt Herod. vii, e. 145, 146. Herod. I. vii, c. 19. ↑ Idem. Idem. c. 169-171 Idem, c. 148-152. Idem, c. 153-161. Herod 1. viii e 145 Their next care was to appoint a general: for there never was any occasior wherein it was more necessary to choose one capable of so important a trust, than in the present conjuncture, when Greece was upon the point of being attacked by the whole force of Asia. The most able and experienced captains, terrified at the greatness of the danger, had taken the resolution of not presenting themselves as candidates. There was a certain citizen at Athens, whose name was Epicydes, who had some eloquence, but in other respects was a person of no merit, was in disrepute for his want of courage, and notorious for his avarice. Notwithstanding all which, it was apprehended, that, in the assembly of the people, the votes would run in his favour.* Themistocles, who was sensible that in calm weather almost any mariner may be capable of conducting a vessel, but that in storms and tempests, the most able pilots are at a loss, was convinced, that the commonwealth was ruined, if Epicydes was chosen general, whose venal and mercenary soul gave them the justest reason to fear that he was not proof against the Persian gold. There are occasions, when, in order to act wisely, I had almost said regularly, it is necessary to dispense with and rise above all rule. Themistocles, who knew very well that in the present state of affairs he was the only person capable of commanding, did for that reason make no scruple of employing bribes and presents to remove his competitor: and having found means to satisfy the ambition of Epicydes by gratifying his avarice, he got himself elected general in his stead. We may here, I think, very justly apply to Themistocles what Titus Livius says of Fabius on a like occasion. This great commander finding, when Hannibal was in the heart of Italy, that the people were inclined to make a man of no merit consul, employed all his own influence, as well as that of his friends, to be continued in the consulship, without being concerned at the clamour that might be raised against him, and succeeded in the attempt. The historian adds, the conjuncture of affairs, and the extreme danger the commonwealth was exposed to, were arguments of such weight, that they prevented any one from being offended at a conduct which might appear to be contrary to rules, and removed all suspicion of Fabius's having acted upon any motive of interest or ambition. On the contrary, the public admired his generosity and greatness of soul, in that, as he knew the commonwealth had occasion for an accomplished general, and could not be ignorant or doubtful of his own singular merit in that respect, he had chosen rather in some sort to hazard his own reputation, and perhaps expose his character to the reproaches of envious tongues, than to be wanting in any service he could render his country."§ The Athenians also passed a decree to recall all their citizens who were in banishment. They feared that Aristides would join their enemies, and influence a great many others to side with the barbarians. But they had a very false opinion of their citizen, who was infinitely remote from such sentiments Be that as it might, at this extraordinary juncture they thought fit to recal him, and Themistocles was so far from opposing the decree for that purpose, that he promoted it with all his credit and authority. The hatred and division of these great men had nothing of that implacable, bitter, and outrageous spirit, which prevailed among the Romans in the latter times of the republic. The danger of the state was the means of their reconciliation, and when their service was necessary to the preservation of the public, they laid aside all their jealousy and rancour: and we shall see, hereafter, that Aristides was so far from secretly thwarting his ancient rival, that he zealously contributed to the success of his enterprises, and to the advancement of his glory.|| *Plut. in Themist. p. 114. Quilibet nautarum vectorumque tranquillo mari gubernare potest: ubi orta sæva tempestas est, ac tur bato mari rapitur vento navis, tum viro et gubernatore opus est.-Liv. 1. xxiv. n. 8. * Χρήμασι τὴν φιλοτιμίαν ἐξωνήσατο παρὰ τῇ Ἐπικύδει. Tempus ac necessitas belli, et discrimen summe rerum, faciebant ne quis aut in exemplum exquireret, aut suspectum cupiditatis imperii consulem haberet. Quin laudabant potius magnitudinem animi, quod cum summo imperatore esse opus reip. sciret, seque eum haud dubie esse, minoris invidiam suam, si qua ex re oriretur, quam utilitatem reip. fecisset.-Liv. 1. xxiv. n. 9. Plut in Arist. p. 922, 323 |