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long and so ably sustained, are plain, palpable, and dangerous violations of the Constitution. Mr. President, if the friends of nullification should be able to propagate their opinions, and give them practical effect, they would, in my judgment, prove themselves the most skilful “architects of ruin,” the most effectual extinguishers of highraised expectation, the greatest blasters of human hopes, that any age has produced. They would stand up to proclaim, in tones that would pierce the ears of half the human race, that the last great experiment of representative government had failed. They would send forth sounds, at the hearing of which the doctrine of the divine right of kings would feel, even in its grave, a returning sensation of vitality and resuscitation. Millions of eyes, of those who now feed their inherent love of liberty on the success of the American example, would turn away from beholding our dismemberment, and find no place on Earth whereon to rest their gratified sight. Amidst the incantations and orgies of nullification, secession, disunion, and revolution, would be celebrated the funeral rites of constitutional and republican liberty. But, Sir, if the government do its duty, if it act with firmness and with moderation, these opinions cannot prevail. Be assured, Sir, be assured, that, among the political sentiments of this people, the love of union is still uppermost. They will stand fast by the Constitution, and by those who defend it. I rely on no temporary expedients, on no political combinations; but I rely on the true American feeling, the genuine patriotism of the people, and the imperative decision of the public voice. Disorder and confusion indeed may arise; scenes of commotion and contest are threatened, and perhaps may come. With my whole heart, I pray for the continuance of the domestic peace and quiet of the country. I desire, most ardently, the restoration of affection and harmony to all its parts. I desire that every citizen of the whole country may look to this government with no other sentiments but those of grateful respect and attachment. But I cannot yield, even to kind feelings, the cause of the Constitution, the true glory of the country, and the great trust which we hold in our hands for succeeding ages. If the Constitution cannot be maintained without meeting these scenes of commotion and contest, however unwelcome, they must come. We cannot, we must not, we dare not, omit to do that which, in our judgment, the safety of the Union requires. Not regardless of consequences, we must yet meet conse. quences; seeing the hazards which surround the discharge of public duty, it must yet be discharged. For myself, Sir, I shun no responsibility justly devolving on me, here or elsewhere, in

attempting to maintain the cause. I am tied to it by indissoluble bands of affection and duty, and I shall cheerfully partake in its fortunes and its fate. I am ready to perform my own appropriate part, whenever and wherever the occasion may call on me, and to take my chance among those upon whom blows may fall first and fall thickest. I shall exert every faculty I possess in aiding to prevent the Constitution from being nullified, de. stroyed, or impaired; and even should I see it fall, I will still, with a voice feeble, perhaps, but earnest as ever issued from human lips, and with fidelity and zeal which nothing shall extin

guish, call on the PEOPLE to come to its rescue.”

THE PRESIDENTIAL PROTEST.5

MR. PRESIDENT: I feel the magnitude of this question. We are coming to a vote which cannot fail to produce important effects on the character of the Senate and the character of the government. Dnhappily, Sir, the Senate finds itself involved in a contro4 Pending the discussion of the Force Bill, a member of the President’s Cab. inet called on Webster at his lodgings, and earnestly requested him to take an active part in the defence of that measure. Some time before, Calhoun had resigned the Vice-Presidency, and been elected to the Senate, as the only man fully able to maintain the cause of South Carolina in Congress. Early in the debate, several of the President’s friends in the Senate attacked the bill with great severity, and were thrown into dismay when Webster declared his position; which he did in the following terms, “I am no man's leader; and, on the other hand, I follow no lead but that of public duty and the star of the Constitu. tion. I believe the country is in considerable danger; I believe an unlawful combination threatens the integrity of the Union. I believe the crisis calls for a mild, temperate, forbearing, but inflexibly firm execution of the laws; and, under this conviction, I give a hearty support to the administration in all meas. ures which I deem to be fair, just, and necessary.” 5 In the Fall of 1833, President Jackson “assumed the responsibility” of removing the public deposits from the Bank of the United States, where they had been placed by law. Before doing this, however, he found himself under the necessity of removing from office the Secretary of the Treasury, who declined to execute his will in that behalf. At last, having put at the head of the Treasury a man who was ready to do his bidding, he gave a peremptory order for the removal. This was the most daring and high-handed of all his measures against the bank, and was followed by most disastrous consequences to the business of the country. [See page 407, note2.] On the 28th March, 1834, the Senate adopted a resolution, censuring the President's action in that removal. On the 17th of April, the President forwarded to the Senate an elaborate Protest against that resolution. That protest drew from Webster, on the 17th of May, the following superb speech, which I give entire.

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Illustrated in a Philological Commentary on his Julius Caesar. By GEORGE L. CRAIK, Queen's College, Belfast. Edited by W. J. Rolff, Cann bridge. 16mo. Cloth. 380 pages. Mailing price, $1.10 ; Introduction, 94 cts. In this volume, Mr. Craik gives an exposition in regard both to the language or style of Shakespeare, and to the English language generally. He believes the text to be more nearly authentic than any that has yet appeared. The Commentary on the Play does not aspire to what is commonly distinguished as the higher criticism. It cloes not seek to examine or to expound this Shakespearian drama atsthetically, but only philologically, or with respect to the language. The only kind of criticism which it professes is what is called verbal criticism. Its whole aim, in so far as it relates to the particular work to which it is attached, is, as far as may be done, first, to ascertain or determine the text; secondly, to explain it; to inquire, in other words, what Shakespeare really wrote, and how what he has written is to be read and construed. The PROLEGOMENA treats of — Shakespeare's Personal History. Skakespeare's Works. The Sources for the Text of Shakespeare's Plays. The Shakespearian Editors and Commentators. The Modern Shakespearian Terts. The Mechanism of English Verse, and the Prosody of the Plays of Shakespeare. 7. Shakespeare's Julius Caesar. A.

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Chaucer's Parlament of Foules.

A revised Text, with Literary and Grammatical Introduction, Notes, and a full Glossary. By J. R. LOUNSBURY, Professor of English in the Sheffield Scientific School of Yale College. 12mo. Cloth. 111 pages. Mailing price, 65 cts.; Introduction, 6o cts. In the increasing attention paid in schools to the English language and literature, and the necessity, constantly existing, of new texts to aid in its pursuit, it seemed desirable that one of the most beautiful productions of early English poetry should be brought to

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the notice of students. With this end in view, the author has gathered together all the facts that are known in regard to this work, and discusses the chief theories that have been advanced as to its production or character, and under the following separate headings:

I. Date and Composition of the Poem.

2. Sources of the Poem.

Under this head is given a free trans

lation of Cicero’s “Dream of Scipio,” to which Chaucer, in the composition of a part of this poem, was so directly indebted.

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§eare. By HENRY N. HUDSON, Professor of English Literature in

Boston University. In 2 vols.

price, $3.45; Introduction, $3.oo.

These two volumes contain—
I. The Life of Shakespeare.

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2. An Historical Sketch of the Origin and Growth of the Drama in England, discussing under this head MiraclePlays, Moral-Plays, and Comedy and Tragedy.

3. Shakespeare's Contemporaries.

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