1685. thought himself fully entitled to employ. That if CHAP. the parliament openly discovered an intention of LXX. reducing him to dependence, matters must presently be brought to a crisis, at a time the most favourable to his cause, which his most sanguine wishes could ever have promised him. That if we cast our eyes abroad, to the state of affairs on the continent, and to the situation of Scotland and Ireland; or, what is of more importance, if we consider the disposition of men's minds at home, every circumstance would be found adverse to the cause of liberty. That the country-party, during the late reign, by their violent, and in many respects unjustifiable measures in parliament, by their desperate attempts out of parlia ment, had exposed their principles to general hatred, and had excited extreme jealousy in all the royalists and zealous churchmen, who now formed the bulk of the nation. That it would not be acceptable to that party to see this King worse treated than his brother in point of revenue, or any attempts. made to keep the crown in dependence. That they thought parliaments as liable to abuse as courts, and desired not to see things in a situation, where the King could not, if he found it necessary, either prorogue or dissolve those assemblies. That if the sent parliament, by making great concessions, could gain the King's confidence, and engage him to observe the promises now given them, every thing would by gentle methods succeed to their wishes. That if on the contrary, after such instances of compliance, he formed any designs on the liberty and religion of the nation, he would, in the eyes of all mankind, render himself altogether inexcusable, and the whole people would join in opposition to him. That resistance could scarcely be attempted twice; and there was therefore the greater necessity for waiting till time and incidents had fully prepared the nation for it. That the King's prejudices in favour of popery, though in the main pernicious, pre were 1685. CHAP. were yet so far fortunate, that they rendered the LXX. connexion inseparable between the national religion and national liberty. And that if any illegal attempts were afterwards made, the church, which was at present the chief support of the crown, would surely catch the alarm, and would soon dispose the people to an effectual resistance. THESE last reasons, enforced by the prejudices of party, prevailed in parliament; and the commons, besides giving thanks for the King's speech, voted unanimously, that they would settle on His present Majesty, during life, all the revenue enjoyed by the late King, at the time of his demise. That they might not detract from this generosity by any symptoms of distrust, they also voted unanimously, that the house entirely relied on His Majesty's royal word, and repeated declarations to support the religion of the church of England; but they added, that that religion was dearer to them than their lives. The speaker, in presenting the revenue bill, took care to inform the King of their vote with regard to religion; but could not, by so signal a proof of confidence, extort from him one word in favour of that religion, on which, he told His Majesty, they set so high a value. Notwithstanding the grounds of suspicion which this silence afforded, the house continued in the same liberal disposition. The King having demanded a farther supply for the navy and other purposes; they revived those duties on wines and vinegar, which had once been enjoyed by the late King; and they added some impositions on tobacco and sugar. This grant amounted on the whole to about six hundred thousand pounds a year. THE house of lords were in a humour no less compliant. They even went some lengths towards breaking in pieces all the remains of the popish plot; that once formidable engine of bigotry and faction. A LITTLE A LITTLE before the meeting of parliament, Oates CHAP, had been tried for perjury on two indictments. LXX. One for deposing that he was present at a consult 1685. of jesuits in London the twenty-fourth of April Oates 1679: Another for deposing that Father Ireland was convicted in London between the eighth and twelfth of Au- of pergust, and in the beginning of September in the jury. same year. Never criminal was convicted on fuller and more undoubted evidence. Two and twenty persons, who had been students at St. Omers, most of them men of credit and family, gave evidence, that Oates had entered into that seminary about Christmas in the year 1678, and had never been absent but one night till the month of July following. Forty-seven witnesses, persons also of untainted character, deposed that Father Ireland, on the third of August 1679, had gone to Staffordshire, where he resided till the middle of September; and, what some years before would have been regarded as a very material circumstance, nine of these wit nesses were protestants, of the church of England. Oates's sentence was, to be fined a thousand marks on each indictment, to be whipped on two different days from Aldgate to Newgate, and from Newgate to Tyburn, to be imprisoned during life, and to be pilloried five times every year. The impudence of the man supported itself under the conviction, and his courage under the punishment. He made solemn appeals to Heaven, and protestations of the veracity of his testimony: Though the whipping was so cruel that it was evidently the intention of the court to put him to death by that punishment, he was enabled, by the care of his friends, to recover: And he lived to King William's reign; when a pension of four hundred pounds a year was settled on him. A considerable number still adhered to him in his distresses, and regarded him as the mar tyr of the protestant cause. The populace were VOL. VIII. affected CHAP. affected with the sight of a punishment, more seLXX. vere than is commonly inflicted in England. And the sentence of perpetual imprisonment was deemed illegal. 1685. Mon. invasion. THE Conviction of Oates's perjury was taken notice of by the house of peers. Besides freeing the popish Lords Powis, Arundel, Bellasis, and Tyrone, together with Danby, from the former impeachment by the commons, they went so far as to vote a reversal of Stafford's attainder, on account of the falsehood of that evidence on which he had been condemned. This bill fixed so deep a reproach on the former proceedings of the exclusionists, that it met with great opposition among the lords; and it was at last, after one reading, dropped by the commons. Though the reparation of injustice be the second honour which a nation can attain; the present emergence seemed very improper for granting so full a justification to the catholics, and throwing so foul a stain on the protestants. THE course of parliamentary proceedings was mouth's interrupted by the news of Monmouth's arrival in the west with three ships from Holland. No sooner was this intelligence conveyed to the parliament, than they voted that they would adhere to His Majesty with their lives and fortunes. They passed a bill of attainder against Monmouth; and they granted a supply of four hundred thousand pounds for suppressing his rebellion. Having thus strengthened the hands of the King, they adjourned themselves. MONMOUTH, when ordered to depart the kingdom, during the late reign, had retired to Holland; and as it was well known that he still enjoyed the favour of his indulgent father, all marks of honour and distinction were bestowed upon him by the Prince of Orange. After the accession of James, the Prince thought it necessary to dismiss Monmouth and and all his followers; and that illustrious fugitive re- CHAP. tired to Brussels. Finding himself still pursued by LXX. the King's severity, he was pushed, contrary to his 1685. judgment as well as inclination, to make a rash and premature attempt upon England. He saw that James had lately mounted the throne, not only without opposition, but seemingly with the goodwill and affections of his subjects. A parliament was sitting, which discovered the greatest disposition to comply with the King, and whose adherence, he knew, would give a sanction and authority to all public measures. The grievances of this reign were hitherto of small importance; and the people were not as yet in a disposition to remark them with great severity. All these considerations occurred to Monmouth; but such was the impatience of his followers, and such the precipitate humour of Argyle, who set out for Scotland a little before him, that no reasons could be attended to; and this unhappy man was driven upon his fate. THE imprudence, however, of this enterprise did 11thJune. not at first appear. Though on his landing at Lime in Dorsetshire, he had scarcely a hundred followers; so popular was his name, that in four days he had assembled above two thousand horse and foot. They were, indeed, almost all of them, the lowest of the people; and the declaration which he published, was chiefly calculated to suit the prejudices of the vulgar, or the most bigoted of the whig party. He called the King Duke of York; and denominated him a traitor, a tyrant, an assassin, and a popish usurper. He imputed to him the fire of London, the murder of Godfrey and of Essex, nay the poisoning of the late King. And he invited all the people to join in opposition to his tyranny. THE Duke of Albemarle, son to him who had restored the royal family, assembled the militia of Devonshire to the number of 4000 men, and took |