and claim him as one of the great teachers of their sect. They are shy of communicating their doctrines where they are not likely to be admitted; and it would be hazardous to speak confidently of their opinions. Unity seems their great principle, -unity of mind and unity of matter; and hence the power of attraction, both intellectual and corporeal, which pervades the universe. They appear also to hold the doctrines of the Anima Mundi and the eternity of matter, with many of the consequences which may be deduced from them.

The Persians have, however, professed treatises on Moral Philosophy, in which there is nothing of Sufyism; though they proceed upon some of the metaphysical opinions which prevail among the Sufies; and all parties agree in acknowledging those great principles of truth and justice which are the bases of morality.

The most celebrated of these works is the Akhlāki Nasirī, which was composed by Nasr-ud-din Tusi, about the middle of the thirteenth century; the most splendid period of Persian literature. Nasr-ud-din is still celebrated for his talents and learning, especially for his skill in astronomy, and seems to be justly entitled to the admiration of his countrymen. But the most popular of all his works is this treatise on ethics, which he undertook at the suggestion of Nasir-ud-din the prince of Kahistan, at whose court he was then residing. The prince had proposed that he should translate an Arabic work which had been written about the close of the tenth century; but this Tūsī declined, as it took no notice of the duties of man in his domestic and social relations; and he was probably influenced by the wish of adapting a work on a matter of such general utility, as far as he could, to the views and opinions of every sect and persuasion.

The book is divided into three discourses, in which he treats of our moral duties, as individuals, as members of a family, and as citizens. His views are clear, his style is plain, his conclusions fairly and simply drawn, and his principles favourable to peace and good conduct; nor is there any other difficulty in the work than that of ascertaining, at the present day, the precise meaning of the technical terms of the metaphysics of that age. A translation of this work would be interesting to those who study the human mind, and delight in tracing the history of opinions; and would be very useful to such persons as take an interest in the conversion of the Mahometans.

The author frequently quotes Plato and Aristotle in a manner which shews that he was familiar with their works; but the most curious fact, and that which gives peculiar interest to the work, is the manner in which he has twice quoted the New Testament, but without naming it. In the first discourse, he concludes his description of the future happiness that will be the reward of a virtuous life by saying, that it is alluded to under certain forms, as a joy "which eye hath not seen, and ear hath not heard; and which hath not occurred to the heart of man." And in the third discourse he makes it the duty of a wise prince rather to modify ancient institutions than introduce new laws; which opinion, he says, is confirmed by what they have related of Jesus, who said, "I am not come that I may destroy the law; rather I am come that I may complete it; where he leaves out the word "prophets," as not applicable to his argument.

The work is written in Persian, and these passages are in Arabic, like the quotations from Plato and others; and the question is, whether he took them from an Arabic version of the New Testament, or used a Greek copy, and translated them himself. He has the reputation of having been a good Greek scholar, which is rendered probable by the manner in which he quotes Plato and Aristotle, and by his Arabic edition of Euclid; and he might easily have obtained a Greek Testament from those who supplied him with the other books. But there were many Christians dispersed through the East; and it is not to be supposed, that those whose native tongue was Arabic, should have been left without a translation of the Scriptures. It seems, at all events, fit that a search should be made in the great libraries of Europe; and that some means should be taken to ascertain whether there exists among the Christians of Asia or Africa, any Arabic version of the New Testament that has not yet become known to us; for these two passages are translated with such closeness and beauty of expression, that the version from which they are taken, if they were taken from any version, would be inestimable.

They are here subjoined, that they may be compared with others, and that those who undertake the search may be able to identify the version if they should happily meet with it.

Akhlaki Nasiri, 1st Discourse, 5th Section.

مالا عين رأت ولا اذن سمعت ولاخطر علي قلب بشر

ما

جيت لابطل التورية بل جيت لا طملها

3d Discourse, 3d Section.

Various obstacles may for a long time impede this search; but it is hoped that these observations, however imperfect, may serve to excite some attention to this curious fact, that the New Testament has been quoted by a Mahometan writer in a work on Moral Philosophy; and that they may likewise have the effect of shewing, that the missionaries who are sent out to the East ought to have some knowledge, not only of the language, but also of the religion, literature, and philosophy of the people whom they hope to convert.

K.

POOR LAWS.

MR. EDITOR.-In reference to the article on the Poor Laws, which appeared in your number for November last, your correspondent, Practicus, inquires, first, "whether the evil is to be attributed to the laws themselves, or to their faulty administration ?"

Now I am of opinion, and had endeavoured, though briefly, to shew, that the particular evil in question, the employment of roundsmen, does grow necessarily out of the law which requires the "overseer to set on work all persons, married or unmarried, having no means to maintain them." 43 Eliz. I know that it has been doubted whether the statute obliges the overseer to do this, or only permits him. But practically, and according to the interpretation of all benches of magistrates that I have heard of, he has no option: and I fear that the idea prevails so

universally and has been so generally acted on, that nothing short of a legislative declaration or enactment can overcome it.

Secondly, Practicus inquires, "whether the influence of the Clergy ought not to be exerted with more vigour than hitherto it has been, towards amending in their parishes and neighbourhoods the method in which the Poor Laws are applied."

In the case alluded to in my former letter, it was expressly stated that the Clergymen, and other respectable inhabitants of the parish, had protested, but in vain, against the measure. No instance has come within my own knowledge, in which the Clergyman, whatever influence he might possess in other matters, has been able to prevent the operation of the system of roundsmen, though it is not every where so offensively executed as by setting the labouring poor up to open auction. And in general, nothing is so likely to destroy the legitimate influence of a Clergyman in his parish, namely, his spiritual authority, as his active interference in the administration of the Poor Laws. What was found too much for apostles, when the contributions were voluntary, and the receivers aged, impotent, or "widows;" will surely overwhelm their successors now, when the payments are compulsory, and the claimants sturdy and able-bodied. January, 1828.

ROMAN CATHOLIC CLAIMS.

I am, &c.

VIGIL.

A CLERGYMAN'S REASONS FOR SIGNING A PETITION TO THE LEGISLATURE AGAINST THE ROMAN CATHOLIC CLAIMS, ADDRESSED TO A MEMBER OF PARLIAMENT.

DEAR SIR,-You differ from me with respect to the merits and justice of the Roman Catholic claims, and I am anxious to vindicate myself, in your opinion, from the charge of an unreasonable opposition to them.

Without further preamble therefore, which would trespass on your time to little purpose, I will briefly state the sentiments which, in common I believe with the majority of my brethren, I entertain upon that subject. You may suppose, indeed, what others have boldly assumed, that the Clergy outstep their province, and lay aside their proper character, in praying the legislature not to extend the power, influence, and privileges of the Roman Catholics. It has been maintained, that these objects are purely political, with which the ministers. of religion have no concern. The answer to this objection is so obvious, that you cannot have overlooked it. The Clergy of the Church of England act in a two-fold character,-as citizens of a free state, and as ministers of the Gospel. This gives them an undoubted right, and makes it their bounden duty, to take part in public measures which essentially regard the security of the government, and to contribute, as much as they are able, to the well-being of their country. If, in consequence of their serious apprehensions that the constitutional monarchy or general safety would be endangered by any change of laws, they protest against such change; they perform their duty as subjects, without deviating from their religious office. In petitioning the two Houses of Parliament, therefore, against the proposed concessions to the Roman

Catholics, they do not exceed the limits of their professional or civil engagements, and would indeed be deficient in what is due to themselves and their country, if their silence or reserve should countenance an opinion that they are indifferent to the vital interests of the state. They are the more strongly urged to petition the Commons' House of Parliament, because they are represented in that House merely as freeholders; or as constituents qualified to vote, in virtue of temporal rights, having no members of their own order in that Honourable House; and with regard to the Upper House, the spiritual Lords may be considered, in common with other Peers, as giving only their individual suffrage, and not representing the opinions held in their respective dioceses.

But it is felt by the Clergy, in the present instance, that the laws which exclude the Roman Catholics from political power have a claim to their support, far beyond any political obligation. The free profession of the truth delivered in the Holy Scriptures,-the salvation of souls, and that pure faith and virtuous practice, on which, under divine mercy, it depends;-these are the great arguments which persuade them, by motives adequate to their incomparable value, to resist the increase of Papal influence in this Protestant community. Mature reflection on the views and principles of the Roman Catholic body in the United Kingdom, compared with the history of their Church, has convinced the petitioners of the insatiable thirst for spiritual and temporal dominion which actuates the Romish priesthood, a thirst not allayed by the toleration and immunities they enjoy, but the more excited as it has been more indulged by legislative grants of privilege and favour. It is evident that their spiritual and temporal power are inseparably connected; that the former is used as a step-stone to the latter; and, in fact, that the heaviest burthens, and most dreadful anathemas are imposed by the Ministers of that religion on their credulous and devoted adherents, in order to make them instruments of their own aggrandizement, authority, and riches. The reformed Church contemplates also, with well-grounded fears, the hostile power which meditates its destruction. It looks back with horror to the times when rebellion and murder, imprisonment and torture, were sanctioned by the arrogant usurpation of Papal dominion over the lives and estates of sovereigns and subjects; and it views the present condition of the Roman Catholic laity with unfeigned pity and compassion. The blind ignorance of conscientious Romanists is an object of its deep regret; and the crafty impositions by which their religious fears are perverted to the purpose of continuing cruel oppression, and mental darkness, the causes and effects of superstition and idolatry, cannot but excite a just indignation. The Clergy of the Established Church are warranted, therefore, in a determined opposition to such base and dangerous delusions.

For whatever may be urged in favour of concession, on the plea of a milder temper and more liberal spirit having been adopted by the Roman Catholic hierarchy in conformity to the opinions of an enlightened age, it is an unquestionable fact, that the same pretended infallible Church, which introduced such gross corruptions, still maintains them.

Although individuals who profess the Romish faith may be severally disposed to treat their Protestant countrymen with lenity, a disposition which is not denied, yet collectively they cannot compromise the absolute and uncontrolled tyranny of their church. And since the supreme authority to which they pay an unqualified obedience has never revoked its decisions against heretics, who are liable (were the power equal to the malice of their enemy) to the penalties formerly inflicted by fine and sword; and since the prelates of that church declare its tenets unchanged and unchangeable, and will not allow the sovereign who rules these realms to have the slightest influence over its government, but obstinately and haughtily refuse that homage to him, which is willingly yielded to the temporal rulers of all other states; how dangerous is the further concession of power to such men, who pay allegiance to a foreign head, and yield only a partial and subordinate allegiance to their lawful prince !-who assert their divine commission to denounce judgment against all that resist their attempts to gain unbounded spiritual domination, and who have written in characters of blood those decrees of popes and councils, which still remain in the archives, and stand recorded in the annals of their church, not cancelled nor obliterated, neither dead nor obsolete, but clearly written and illuminated, and prepared to issue forth and convince the heretic by arguments, which before the era of the Reformation no king nor people could withstand.

But the Clergy of the Church of England consider themselves more powerfully urged to resist the claims of the Roman Catholics at this time, because the Dissenters appear to be giving way to them, or rather making common cause with them, against the safeguards of the Establishment, because the king's ministers are divided on this subject, and the majority are probably disposed to favour the Roman-Catholic cause;-because it is the fashion of the day to proclaim a false liberality of opinion, which implies either a total indifference to the peculiar truths of Christianity, or to the permanency and security of any visible Church, or to the principles and doctrines it maintains, whether Roman Catholic or Protestant, provided it serve a political purpose, and be a footstool to a seat in Parliament.

It seems forgotten that the Reformed religion has been the nurse of free and generous institutions, of enlarged and noble designs for the extension of learning, and civilization, and liberty;-that this country owes its eminent and boasted advantages to its deliverance from papal bondage, and the assertion of its independence, by which it acknowledges a constitutional monarchy over all causes, ecclesiastical as well as civil, supreme. This freedom, supported by the Established Church, and defended by our ancestors at the hazards of their lives, has been blessed by Divine Providence with his signal protection; and the Clergy are thence convinced that it is their duty to stand on the ground which God and man have assigned them in this favoured land, and to guard the ark in which their faith and honour are deposited, safe and inviolate.

If it be argued by the advocates of what is termed Emancipation, that the concession of place and power to the members of the RomanCatholic Church would produce no mischief to the Protestant, the