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yet it is almost certain that no such differ- | destroys every distinction based either upon ence exists, that men are in reality as near- colour or upon fatness, and modifies thinness ly alike as animals appear to be. Take, for in the most unexpected way, revealing uninstance, in evidence of both these proposi- suspected depths about brow and mouth, tions of the carelessness of our usual while leaving the cheek untouched. No glance, and of the similarity among men Ichild is recognizable in death by mere aca fact which a number of our readers can quaintance, because in children's faces the test for themselves. No man on landing at prominent points are colour and contour. an Indian or Chinese port for the first time An actor cannot change his real face, but can for a few days tell one man from an- only the accidents of the face; yet Mr. other. The natives are more decisively Webster, for example, has once or twice unlike than so many Englishmen, because deceived his audience for some minutes, and in addition to every other distinction their could, we suspect, deceive them, if that complexions cover a wider range of colour; were his object, altogether. but being similarly dressed, they seem for a few days as much alike as so many sheep, who are all alike to a Londoner, but among whom a shepherd or a dog makes no mistake. Now, if men were much unlike, more unlike than the sheep are, no such curious haziness would be possible, nor would it be if the observer were unconsciously in the habit of studying the form and character of each face. He has, as a rule, no such habit, but, unless an artist or a policeman, relies unconsciously on accidental circumstances, colour, hair on lip or chin, gait, expression, or peculiarity of some one feature, and should that by any accident disappear he is utterly puzzled. One tenth, at least, of Western mankind is consciously or unconsciously short-sighted, and never sees in any true sense of seeing any face whatever, never quite catches its nuances of expression, never is quite sure about its minor features, never quite ceases to idealize according to a preconceived theory of character. Even of those who do see perfectly a large proportion are not artists, never catch the speciality of the face they are looking at enough to caricature it, - some faces won't submit to caricature, Lord Derby's, for instance, and Mr. Gladstone's, in both of which the caricaturist invariably intensifies the whole expression- and really recollect it mainly by its accidents of colour or the like, accidents which may disappear in life, and which do disappear in death. It is not easy to recognize the photographs of men whose appearance depends on colour, and death does its work in destroying colour even more perfectly than the sun. Fatness and thinness, too, are great aids to recognition; yet they are temporary, dependent sometimes on mere accidents of health. We have all of us met friends whom we have not seen, say, for three years, who have grown wider, if not wiser, in the interval, and whom we should not without speech have recognized. Death, as a rule, while it leaves much unchanged, absolutely

Think, again, of the excessive difficulty with which the memory retains a face. Portrait painters of half a century's standing will tell you that they hardly retain the impression of a sitter five minutes, though they have been studying him keenly; that their own first touches from him as he sits are invaluable helps; that they would all, if it were convenient for art reasons, like to keep a photograph in full view for their work when the original is away. We think we remember, but in five minutes we forget, the half of a friend's face nearly as perfectly as we forget the whole of our own. Clearly if identification were as easy as we are apt to believe, we should not so forget faces. And their expression? Doubtless, expression, being, so to speak, an intellectual rather than a physical fact, stirring and rousing the intellect of the observer, his secret and almost instinctive likes and dislikes, remains longer fixed in the mind than mere feature. The witness who arrested Judge Jeffries might have forgotten his face, did forget it, in fact, for Jeffries when seized had only changed his wig, but he could not forget the ferocious glare of those insufferable eyes. But expression changes quickly, may change permanently. We all say every now and then "His face quite changed," while nothing is changed except, perhaps, the expression and the colour. Madness, extreme anger, drink, will all change a well known face till it is almost irrecognizable; and though, no doubt, it requires a combination of circumstances to deceive a wife as to her husband's identity, still there is one expression which in a case like that of Hackney Wick she has never seen, and that is death, of all influences the one which may most modify expression, both by altering the set of the features, and changing the emotional medium through which we regard them. No doubt there are faces so marked and so individual, so completely isolated from any type, and so independent of accident, that it is almost impossible they should ever be forgot

from one another, yet striving together, with one public opinion, under the protection of one law of nations, and in the bonds of one common moving civilization.

ten or mistaken. It would have been nearly | And the decree which has gone forth impossible for Sir Thomas More to disguise that many leading nations shall flourish at himself, and we question if Dr. Newman or one and the same time, plainly distinguished Mr. Tennyson could abolish the expression of eye and brow sufficiently to baffle recognition; and there are artists, and as the public believes detectives, who would recognize any face under any disguise. But the majority of men trying under changed circumstances to recognize ordinary faces from their memories of feature alone are liable, we feel convinced, to self-deceptions as extraordinary and yet as natural as that we may charitably attribute to this Mrs. Banks, or that which prompted the evidence against the marine so nearly hung for his share in the recent Manchester émeute.

NATIONALISM.

THE NATIONAL POLITY IS THE NORMAL
TYPE OF MODERN GOVERNMENT.

A FRAGMENT BY FRANCIS LIEBER.

As the city-state was the normal type of free communities in antiquity, and as the feudal system was one of the normal types of government in the middle ages, so is the national polity the normal type of our own epoch- not indeed centralism.

The universal monarchy, whether purely political or coupled with the papacy; a single leading nation; confederacies of petty sovereigns; a civilization confined to one spot, or one portion of the globe - all these are obsolete, insufficient for the demands of advanced civilization, and attempts at their renewal are ruinous. Even the course which civilization has steadily taken for thousands of years, from the south-east to the north-west, has ceased. It now spreads for the first time in all directions, and bends its way back to the Orient. The old historic belt between 30° and 50° northern latitude, within which the great current of events has flown, shall confine history no

more.

In ancient times one people always swayed and led. Hence the simplicity of chronologic tables presenting the events of that time; and all ancient states were short-lived. Once declining, they never recovered. Their course was that of the proJectile: ascending, a maximum, a precipitate descent, and no more rising. Modern nations are long-lived, and possess recuperative energy wholly unknown to antiquity. They could neither be the one nor possess Large nations have been formed out of the other without national existence and the fragmentary peoples on the Continent comprehensive polities, and without the law of Europe, England alone dating the bless- of nations, as we know it now, which is the ing of a national polity over a thousand manly idea of self-government applied to a years back; others are in the act of form- number of independent nations in close reing; others, already existing, are carrying lation with one another. The universal out more distinctly or establishing more law of interdependence, without which men firmly the national elements of their poli- would never have formed society, and which, ties. For this reason, and because the ex- like all original principles or characteristics istence of many nations deeply influences of humanity, increases in intensity and our civilization, the present period will be spreads in action as the human species adcalled the national period. It began plain-vances - the universal law of interdepenly when so many other great things began in the middle of the 15th century; but the process of nationalization concerning the languages and the literature of the different countries commenced at an earlier time.

The three main characteristics of the political development which mark the modern epoch are:

The national polity;

The general endeavour to define more clearly, and to extend more widely, human rights and civil liberty;

dence applies to nations as it applies to individuals. This blessed interdependence among nations is becoming daily more cheerfully acknowledged; and the old saying, Ubi Societas ibi Jus, finds constantly increasing application to entire nations. The civilized nations have come to constitute a community of nations, and are daily forming more and more a commonwealth of nations, under the restraint and protection of the law of nations, which rules vigore divino. They draw the chariot of civilization abreast, as the ancient steeds drew the car of victory.

IRISH CHURCH AND AMERICA.

From The Morning Star, April 13. | were to be the law makers. The electors did not and could not themselves represent the popular feeling; how could the elected of these electors be expected to understand, much less to guide or anticipate it? Many great questions lately arose- take the question of the American civil war, for instance on which the general opinion of the vast majority of the people, when in a rough-and ready explosive fashion it came out, literally amazed and dumb-foundered the upper and legislating classes, who had not the faintest notion that the current of national feeling was setting that way. We confess that we look for something very different from the new and Reformed Parliament, with its electoral element permeating all classes everywhere down to the very poorest. We do not believe that, in the future, great national injustices and evils will be passed over uncondemned; or, if abstractly condemned, allowed to remain for generations unredressed and unhealed. The fact that the Irish Church, tried, condemned, and sentenced a generation ago, is found alive and pugnacious to-day, is, indeed, the fault of the House of Commons, but it is even more the fault of our old electoral system. A good Reform Bill ten years ago would have meant the disestablishment of the Irish Church a year after.

It is certain that thirty years ago, fifty years ago, the foremost intellects of the country had passed sentence upon the Irish Church. Sharp things were said of that Church in the recent debate; but they were honeyed compliments compared to the language in which Macaulay and Sydney Smith described it- nay, in which before their time Edmund Burke described it. Nor did leading minds ever since fail to condemn and denounce it. When, during one of the anti-French manias or panics some years ago, a speaker in the House of Commons fiercely inveighed against the tyranny of Louis Napoleon, Mr. Cobden remarked that, with all his tyranny, he would not venture to impose the Church of a small and alien minority on any province or dependency of France. At no time have we wanted the testimony and the eloquence of able men against the monstrous injustice and the serious danger of retaining the Irish Church as a State establishment. But the House of Commons never heeded. Just as before the Indian mutiny, the raising of any Indian discussion always meant the temporary emptying of the House, if not an actual count out, so before the Fenian insurrection the subject of the Irish Church was regarded simply as a crotchet, the special property of bores, the dreamy theme of impracticable and futile Nonconformist eloquence. We are quite ready to join with the Saturday Review in asking why this was so, and in thinking it little to the credit of the House of Commons that such questions should ever have to be asked. . . .

It required a Fenian insurrection, a chronic suspension of the Habeas Corpus Act, and several executions, to arouse the attention of the House of Commons to the necessity of abolishing the Irish Church. This is decidedly a heavy sin to lie at the door of the expiring Parliament. Legislation moved only in obedience to the pressure of revolution. The worst of all avowed democracies ever known never set up so dangerous and demoralizing a principle of action as did the aristocratic and peer-governed Parliament of Great Britain. For ourselves, we really think that one great reason of this was the distance at which the Parliament stood removed from the people. A few thousand electors in England, a mere handful of voters in Ireland, returned the representatives who

PERSONAL VANITY OF QUEEN
ELIZABETH.

In a note to a production reprinted very recently by Mr. Lilly (in his volume of Blackletter Ballads and Broadsides) we read as follows:

"In the State Paper Office is an undated draft of a proclamation in the handwriting of Cecil, prohibiting all payntors, pryntors and gravors' from drawing Queen Elizabeth's picshall make a naturall representation of her ture, until some conning person mete therefor Majesty's person, favour, or grace,' as a pattern for other persons to copy. This proclamation was most likely never published," &c.

If the writer of the above had had an opportunity of consulting the Registers of the Privy Council, he might have found there a clue to the date of the proclamation in the subsequent entry, to which I called attention nearly forty years ago in the History of our Early English Dramatic Poetry and the Stage.

"30 July, 1596.

"A Warrant to her Majesties Serjeant Painter, and to all publicke officers, to yielde him their assistance touching the abuse committed by divers unskilfull artisans, in unseemly and improperly paintinge, gravinge, ant printinge of hir Majesties person and vysage, to her Majesties great offence, and disgrace of that beautifull and magnanimous majesty wherewith God hath blessed her. Requiring them to cause all suche to be defaced, and none to be allowed, but such as her Majesties Sergeant Paynter shall first have sight of. The mynute remayning in the Counsell Chest."

The undated proclamation probably grew out of this solemn proceeding of the Privy Council for the concealment of the queen's increasing wrinkles at the age of sixty-four; and in connection with it, we may quote the following passage from the preface to Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World, first published in 1614, where he is applauding King James:

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THE promised despatches from Dr. Livingstone, mentioned in Sir Roderick Murchison's letter, have now been received at the Foreign Office. Interesting as every line and word must be which thus comes to us, however, the public must not expect too much from the documents which are soon to see the light. The letters given to Bunduki, the Arab trader, and brought down by him to the coast, are, first of all, fifteen months old. 'Bunduki' means, as all AngloIndians will know, nothing else than son of a gun.' It would be the equivalent, in African

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"I could say much more of the King's Majesty, without flatterie, did I not feare the impu-jungles, of Leather-stocking's sobriquet of 'La tation of presumption; and withall suspect, that it might befall these papers of mine (though the losse were little) as it did the pictures of Queene Elizabeth, made by unskilfull and common Painters, which by her owne commandement were knockt in peaces and cast into the fire."

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Longue Carabine' upon the American prairies. The letters brought by Bunduki will not be very rich in geographical or ethnological details. They left the good Doctor in the open and unknown country between Lake Nyassa and Lake Tanganyika, on the line at the beginning of which Mr. Young traced the explorer's track, and was then obliged to turn back.

Dr. Livingstone would certainly strike the great lake Tanganyika and double its southern end eastward or westward. He would probably, in like manner, attempt to go round the northern extremity; but whether he would shape his course thence for Baker's Lake, or Speke's Lake, or Zanzibar, is not and cannot be known, nor will these letters help us much to know. If they did, supplies and assistance would be sent; for it is pretty certain that Livingstone must be hard up for stores and viaticum of all African sorts, wherever he be at this moment; one untoward incident being only too certain that he had lost his medicine chest. But that he was perfectly safe and sound, far past the scene of his imaginary murder, the letters now received, if proof were necessary, most distinctly show. Of course Africa is not St. James's street in point of safety and comfort; but from Tanganyika Livingstone would know his way home almost as well as a traveller' from Boodle's to Charing Cross. — London Telegraph.

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POETRY: A Character, 514. Morning Dew, 514. Song, 514. Voices Calling, 532. Again? 547.

Preparing for Publication at this Office

LINDA TRESSEL. By the author of "Nina Balatka."

THE BRAMLEIGHS OF BISHOP'S FOLLY. By Charles Lever.
ALL FOR GREED.

PHINEAS FINN, THE IRISH MEMBER. By Mr. Trollope.
OCCUPATIONS OF A RETIRED LIFE. By Edward Garrett.
A SEABOARD PARISH. By George McDonald.
PEEP INTO A WESTPHALIAN PARSONAGE.

Just Published at this Office

THE BROWNLOWS. By Mrs. Oliphant. 37 cents.

THE TENANTS OF MALORY. By J. S. Le Fanu. 50 cents.
OLD SIR DOUGLAS. By the Hon. Mrs. Norton. 75 cents.
SIR BROOK FOSSBROOKE. New Edition. 50 cents.

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Price of the First Series, in Cloth, 36 volumes, 90 dollars.

Second 44
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