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ἐλπίδι γυῖα προμαθείας δ ̓ ἀπόκεινται ῥοαί.
κερδέων δὲ χρὴ μέτρον θηρευέμεν·
ἀπροσίκτων δ ̓ ἐρώτων ὀξύτεραι μανίαι.

a metaphor from a slave chain-
ed to the oar. Cf. Pyth. IV.
71, τίς δὲ κίνδυνος κρατεροῖς ἀδά-
μαντος δῆσεν ἅλοις; Pyth. III. 54,
ἀλλὰ κέρδει καὶ σοφία δέδεται (with
which cf. Bakchyl. Frag. 4 (2), ws
δ ̓ ἅπαξ εἰπεῖν, φρένα καὶ πυκινὰν
κέρδος ἀνθρώπων βιᾶται).

ἀναιδεῖ.] ‘Improbus, unconscionable,' 'unreasonable.'

46. προμαθείας.] Mezger and Postgate rightly join the genitive with ῥοαί. Men strive or drift in a variable, uncertain course, but foreknowledge, if they only had it, would bear them along steadily like a current. No doubt the mariners of Tenedos were familiar with and often grateful to the strong Hellespontine current. For the metaphor cf. OΙ. II. 33, ῥοαὶ δ' ἀλλότ ̓ ἄλλαι εὐθυμιᾶν τε μετὰ καὶ πόνων ἐς ἄνδρας ἔβαν. For the general sentiment cf. Solon, Frag. 13 [4], 65, πᾶσι δέ τοι κίνδυνος ἐπ' ἔργμασιν,

60

οὐδέ τις
οἶδεν | ᾖ σχήσειν μέλλει
πρήγματος ἀρχομένου. Theogn. 585.
47. For a more general state-
ment of the doctrine of a μέτρον
ef. Ol. XIII. 46, ἕπεται δ' ἐν ἑκάστῳ |
μέτρον νοῆσαι δὲ καιρὸς ἄριστος.
Also Hes. W. and D. 692, Pyth. II.
34, Isth. v. [vi.], 71.

48. For general sentiment cf. Nem. III. 30. For μανίαι cf. Theogn. 1231, σχέτλι' Ἔρως, μανίαι σ ̓ ἐτιθηνήσαντο λαβοῦσαι. So that Plato's classification of Ἔρως under μανία, Phaedr. pp. 244, 245, was perhaps suggested by poetic diction.

δ'.] Equivalent to ἀλλά. Cf. Soph. Αi. 12:

ὀξύτεραι.] Don. refers to Matth. Gr. Gr. § 457, thus making it doubtful whether he would render the comparative by 'too' or 'somewhat,' 'rather,' or as merely equivalent to a positive. It clearly means 'too acute' in the medical sense of acute. Cf. Ol. VIII. 85.

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ISTHMIA I.

ON THE VICTORY OF HERODOTOS OF THEBES IN THE FOUR-HORSE CHARIOT RACE.

INTRODUCTION.

HERODOTOS, Son of Asôpodôros of Thebes, was one of several Theban victors at some Isthmian festival of uncertain date. Some consider that Asôpodôros had been exiled from Thebes (vv. 36—38); but this supposition is not consistent with the most natural interpretation of the passage vv. 34-46, and seems in particular to involve making his father's exile too prominent a topic introducing the most striking part of the ode. If Herodotos himself had been exiled at the time of the Persian war as a young man of about twenty he would not be too old to act as his own charioteer (v. 15) in B. C. 458, Ol. 80. 3 to which date Dissen refers the composition of the ode. He thinks that the alliance between Thebes and Sparta before the war in which the battles of Tanagra and Oenophyta were fought is figured in the association of Kastôr and Iolâos vv. 16, 17 (but cf. Pyth. IX. 59 ff. composed B. C. 478); that war is suggested by the allusion to Gêryôn's Opaσeîaι kúves (v. 12) (but Prof. Seymour justly remarks, agreeing with Don.-"This was the most distant point reached by Heracles, hence this clause means 'whose mighty deeds reached even to the ends of the world""); and by Toλeμíčov v. 50 (but see my note) so that the premises can hardly be said to be strong enough to carry Dissen's conclusion. Leopold Schmidt on altogether insufficient grounds places the date between the third Isthmian and the fifth Nemean, that is, in the first period of Pindar's poetic activity. Pindar may merely intend to apologise for the slightness of the composition and the thinness of the senti

ments when he mentions his engagement for the men of Keos. It is to be safely inferred from vv. 39, 40 that Hêrodotos was an aristocrat. (Mezger thinks the father was obliged to retire to Orchomenos through loss of property by actual shipwrecks, reading éрeiπóμevov v. 16, a view which I cannot at all admit.) The main thread of the Ode is the enforcement and illustration of the glory conferred on the Tarpis by a successful pursuit of åperà and the consequent reward of praise and remembrance due from fellow-citizens (cp. vv. 12; 17; 30, 31; 35; 40; 66, 67; 1—6; 43-46; 50, 51; 67, 68). This train of thought is peculiarly appropriate if Hêrodotos was reestablished at Thebes in consequence of this Isthmian victory, which may be inferred from vv. 39, 40.

ANALYSIS.

vv.

1-10 Invocation of Thêbâ, with an apology for laying aside a poem for the men of Keos to compose an Athenian ode.

10-12 Since six prizes have fallen to Thebes.

12-13 The birthplace of Hêrakles.

14-16 In honour of Hêrodotos victory in the four-horse chariot race the poet is ready to compose a Kastoreion or ode of Iolâos.

17-31 The athletic prowess of Kastôr and Iolâos.

32-40 Allusion to the victor's family and to his exile and return to good fortune.

40-52 General sentiments in praise of prowess and enterprise glancing at Herodotos.

53-59

Enumeration of some of his victories.

60-63 The scope of the ode prevents him proclaiming all.

63

Often what is not mentioned gives the greater satisfaction. 64-67 A hope that encouraged by poetic praises Hêrodotos may win at the Pythian and Olympian games.

67, 68

If any one hoards and finds fault with those who are lavish in pursuit of honour, he does not consider that he will die 'unhonoured and unsung.'

Στρ. α'.

Μᾶτερ ἐμά, τὸ τεόν, χρύσασπι Θήβα, πρᾶγμα καὶ ἀσχολίας ὑπέρτερον θήσομαι. μή μοι κραναὰ νεμεσάσαι

Δᾶλος, ἐν ᾧ κέχυμαι.

5 τί φίλτερον κεδνῶν τοκέων ἀγαθοῖς ;

5

εἶξον, ὦ 'πολλωνιάς· ἀμφοτερῶν τοι χαρίτων σὺν θεοῖς ζεύξω τέλος,

χρύσασπι.] This epithet refers to a statue of Thêbâ, perhaps that which is mentioned in Frag. 177 [207], ευάρματε, χρυσοχίτων, ἱερώτατον ἄγαλμα, Θήβα. For the prominence given here to the shield compare the shield on coins of Thebes. The hypothesis that the epithet has reference to a state of war must therefore be established independently, which I do not think possible (see Introd.). For Thêbâ, daughter of Asôpos and Metôpá, cf. Ol. vi. 84, 85.

2. πράγμα.] 'Thy interests,' the requirements arising from the recent Isthmian victories of her children.

ἀσχολίας.] 'A pressing engagement.' Plato, Phaedr. 227 B, refers to this passage, οὐκ ἂν οἴει με κατὰ Πίνδαρον καὶ (even) ἀσχολίας ὑπέρτερου ποιήσεσθαι τὸ σήν τε καὶ Λυσίου διατριβὴν ἀκοῦσαι ;—also Plutarch, de genio Socratis, p. 575 D, èμè kal ἀσχολίας ὑπέρτερον θέσθαι κατὰ τὸν Πίνδαρον τὸ δεῦρο ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν διήγησιν.

4. Aaλos.] Dêlos, as the birthplace of Apollo, was interested in the paeân which was being composed for the Isle of Keos. The Schol. rashly states that it was to be sung at Dêlos.

Kéxνμaι.] 'On which I have been pouring forth my soul.' Cf. Cic. Att. 1. 18. 2, in qua...omnes profudi

uires animi atque ingenii mei. Dissen points out that κεχυμένος (εἴς τι, Tрós т) is generally used in a bad

sense.

5. The claims of parents, i.e. in this case of Tarpis, are paramount. A respectful apology is needful to excuse his taking up a human theme, when engaged on a paeân. The poet does not ask leave to postpone the paeân, but prays to be excused for diverting his attention for a time from it. Possibly the real motive for the apology is vanity. To be chosen by the countrymen of Bakchylidês was a high compliment. See, however, Introd.

6. ὦ 'πολλωνιάς.] Beloved of Apollo.' The tutelary deity of Dêlos is entreated to respect the poet's devotion to Thêbâ even as she appreciates the devotion of Apollo to herself. For the personification cf. Pyth. vI. 6, XII. 2, Ol. vII. 13, 14, Nem. 1. 4, Frag. 64 [58]. Others explain Apollinea urbs, quoting Ovid, Met. XIII. 631.

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καὶ τὸν ἀκειρεκόμαν Φοῖβον χορεύων
ἐν Κέῳ ἀμφιρύτᾳ σὺν ποντίοις

ἀνδράσιν, καὶ τὴν ἁλιερκέα Ἰσθμοῦ

1ο δειράδ ̓· ἐπεὶ στεφάνους

ἓξ ώπασεν Κάδμου στρατῷ ἐξ ἀέθλων,

̓Αντ. α'.

ΙΟ

καλλίνικον πατρίδι κῦδος. ἐν ᾧ καὶ τὸν ἀδείμαντον ̓Αλκμήνα τέκεν

Επ. α'.

15

παῖδα, θρασείαι τόν ποτε Γηρυόνα φρίξαν κύνες.
ἀλλ ̓ ἐγὼ Ηροδότῳ τεύχων τὸ μὲν ἅρματι τεθρίππῳ
γέρας,

7. ȧKELp.] "Milton's 'unshorn Apollo."" Prof. Seymour.

Xopeúwv.] Composing a choral ode for '-is what is meant, but he represents himself as the χορηγός, κορυφαῖος. Cf. L. and S. s. v. χορεύω II. 2, where Eur. H. F. 871 is placed wrongly instead of under 'III. Causal.'

The Schol. says that Pindar was asked by the men of Keos to compose a paean to be sung at Dêlos, inferring the place of recitation from v. 3, ἐκ τούτου δῆλον, ὅτι εἰς Anλov eypape Kelos, but from v. 8 it is clear that the ode was to be recited in Keos, perhaps in the principal temple of Apollo at Kartheia, in the Xopnyeîov of which Athenaeos tells us (p. 456 F) that Simonides, who was perhaps dead at the date of this ode, was for some time χοροδιδάσκαλος. Schol. however on v. 9 says κal ὕστερον σοὶ πάλιν τὸν ἐπίνικον (Böckh alters to ὕμνον) ἀποδώσω. Hartung and Mezger argue from ἐπίνικον that the ode for Keos was not a paeân, but epinikian. But all this rivikov can effect is to nullify the testimony of the Schol. Pindar's language decides in favour of the paeân.

F. II,

The

9. ȧλLeрkéα.] Cf. Pyth. 1. 18; here 'barring sea from sea.' The epithet seems to be in contrast to ἀμφιρύτα. Observe the hiatus, -ea 'Io0uoû, cf. infra, vv. 16, 32, Ol. VII. 74.

Hêrodotos was clearly one of several (from four to six) Thebans who had won prizes in the recent Isthmian games.

11. σтраT.] L. and S. rashly say 'since Homer σr. always means the soldiery, the people, exclusive of the chiefs.' Now, Pyth. II. 87, ὁ λάβρος στρατὸς means the democracy,' in Pyth. 1. 86, II. 55, Hiero, in Nem. 1. 61 Amphitryôn is excluded. But no such exclusion is intended here, nor in Ol. IX. 95, Ol. x. 17, Nem. x. 25.

13. Kúves.] It must remain a question whether Orthros is made plural in consideration of his two heads or whether Pindar is following an unknown version of the myth.

14. ¿'.] The poet checks himself in the praise of Hêrakles. Prof. Seymour points out that here, and Nem. I. 33, Isth. v. 19, yw introduces the transition to a myth. Cf. also Ol. IX. 21, xIII. 49, Pyth. 1. 42, Ix. 103.

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