we can hardly be too passive until something really illegal, and contrary to our oaths and engagements, is passed on us "—such as unauthorised changes in the Liturgy or Articles or a transfer of corporate property.1 But this attitude was too quiescent for Palmer. Early in 1833 he submitted to Rose some scheme he had devised for a union of Churchmen; and the latter, whilst unable to approve of this particular plan, wrote on February 1: “That something is requisite is certain. The only thing is, that whatever is done ought to be quickly done; for the danger is immediate, and I should have little fear if I thought that we could stand for ten or fifteen years as we are." These words were written a week or so before Althorp introduced the Irish Church Bill; and, though the British Magazine exhausted its vocabulary in condemnation of "this atrocious measure," it was July before the projected association seemed likely to be realised. "2 3 The clergy as a whole were not much concerned about the ecclesiastical situation in Ireland, feeling no doubt that a measure could not be very atrocious " which had been supported in the Lords by as many as eleven bishops, and the protest against which had been signed by only one bishop--Murray of Rochester. Oxford, as Palmer confesses, was almost wholly apathetic. "The most frightful thing to me," wrote Keble from Gloucestershire, "is the apparent apathy of most of the clergy even, both in Oxford and here in the country"; and he must have welcomed the opportunity for sounding an alarm, when called upon to preach at Oxford on July 14, before the Judges of Assize. Taking as his text the words of Samuel, "As for me, God forbid that I should sin against the Lord in ceasing to pray for you, but I will teach you 1 Liddon's Pusey, i. 266. 4 2 Palmer's Narrative, 1883, p. 101. KEBLE'S ASSIZE SERMON 85 the good and the right way," he drew a parallel between the case of the Jews when they gave up theocracy and desired to have an earthly king and that of a Christian nation which had reorganised its polity on a secular basis. As individuals we had come almost to this pass that, in bestowing offices, forming partnerships, educating and marrying our children, we paid no attention to differences in matters of faith; and, "if it be true anywhere" that enactments conceived in this latitudinarian spirit "are forced on the legislature by public opinion, is apostasy too hard a word to describe the temper of that nation?" Again, disrespect to the clergy implies enmity to Him who gave them their commission," and this, if general and national, must involve the same reproach. An apostate nation was never at a loss for pretexts to justify its compromise with evil. Sometimes toleration may be the word," as when Saul showed "his impious liberality in sparing the Amalekites "; and it was significant that this ill-fated chief ascribed his ruin to "fearing the people and obeying their voice." Confronted with a nation" fast becoming hostile to the Church," the clergy must remember that submission and order are still duties," and confine themselves, as Samuel did, to intercession and remonstrance; and in interceding for the wicked they had the consolation of the Psalmist "They shall soon be cut down like the grass and wither as the green herb." Keble's hearers were left to make their own application of the sermon -but not his readers; for it was published with an announcement that "the calamity in anticipation of which it was written has actually overtaken this portion of the Church of God"-Parliament having suppressed certain Irish sees without consulting the clergy and contrary to the votes of the bishops.1 It is not clear whether Keble on this occasion had authority to speak for more than himself; but his 1 Keble's Sermons, Academical and Occasional, pp. 128–148. utterance, when published, had the character of a manifesto; for Newman, who returned from the Continent on July 9, had resolved to form a society or association for Church purposes," and says of the printed sermon that “the advertisement prefixed to it was the first intimation of what was to follow on our part." "' 1 He was joined first by Froude and then by Palmer; and, when Keble expressed hesitation, he "wrote him word he might join it or not, but the league was in existence," though at that time Froude and himself were the only members. Such is the account given in Newman's diary and letters; but, as he himself admits elsewhere, the movement had originated before his return; for Palmer had been in communication with Rose; and Rose had invited his Oxford friends to a conference at his rectory of Hadleigh in Sussex. Newman and Keble were unable, and perhaps not very anxious, to be present; but the invitation was accepted by Palmer, Froude, and Perceval. The discussions, which began on July 25 and continued for several days, seem to have been dominated by the idea that the Church must discover some principle of cohesion independent of civil sanctions and privileges, which had become unreliable with the admission to Parliament of Nonconformists and Catholics and might at any moment be withdrawn. This would be obtained if people could be taught to regard the government and ceremonies of the Church as having the same apostolical origin as its doctrine, and the popular mind might be enlightened by an issue of tracts; but these were not likely to be widely read, and there was no agreement as to whether or how they could be got into general circulation. Two suggestions of a more definite kind were put forward by Rose-one that they should strengthen 1 As the advertisement said nothing of "what was to follow," it can have been intelligible only to the initiated. 2 Apologia, ed. 1902, p. 36. "Newman and I are determined to act as soon as he returns, and you must join us,” said Froude to Isaac Williams.-Autobiography, p. 64. MEETING AT HADLEIGH 87 the authority of the bishops by ascertaining the exact obligation undertaken by the clergy in their oath of canonical obedience, the other that the Church might obtain a synod, lay and clerical, by some sacrifice of its temporalities, such as an offer to take upon itself, as in Ireland, the burden of Church rates. A much more revolutionary proposal was made and keenly pressed by Froude, that they should agitate for repeal of the law which required the dean and chapter to elect as bishop the person nominated by the Crown.1 This was put aside as quite impracticable by the others-if not also as audacious by Rose, who was chaplain to Bishop Blomfield, and was soon to be chaplain to Archbishop Howley, and who held, as we have seen, that the initiative in ecclesiastical reform should be reserved for the bishops. Moreover, he had receded from his position of the previous February-" that whatever is done ought to be quickly done," being in hopes of a reaction-apparently a political reaction-which would avert the threatened interference with the Church. Newman, after he had seen Froude, wrote to Keble, "I fear they did not get on very well at Hadleigh." Froude, in fact, had returned in dudgeon, if not in disgust, resenting the rejection of his plan for the free election of bishops and wishing to "break with Rose," whom, though too extreme for most people, he regarded as "not yet an Apostolical "the name by which these conspirators were known to each other. Keble felt that it boded ill for union if four men who thought so much alike as the "Hadleighans " could not agree, and considered that a synod would be of little use so long as the bishops were 'nominated by an infidel Government." 2 1 Froude sought to expose "the enormity of this persecuting law" in a letter signed "F."-British Magazine, September 1833. 2 Newman's Letters, i. 438-442; Palmer in Contemporary Review, May 1883. Rose had to resign Hadleigh on account of his health in September 1833, having held the living for only nine months. "True to the end, it dismissed me with a violent fit of asthma. Syren-like, The conference, having come to no conclusion at Hadleigh, was resumed at Oxford-Newman, Froude, and Palmer meeting at Oriel College, and the first and second corresponding with Keble. When Newman spoke of associating "for Church purposes," he had meant only a group of divines co-operating in the diffusion of certain religious ideas; 1 but Palmer prevailed upon his colleagues to adopt a stricter bond of union; and a declaration of principles embodying their views rather than his was drawn up mainly by Keble. This was a practical document in so far as it deprecated Disestablishment and affirmed the necessity of providing for such a contingency, should it arise; but these two clauses were neither framed nor approved by Keble, who, in accordance with his sermon on national apostasy, considered as sinful the union of Church and State as now understood." Other clauses were in favour of making the Church more popular in constitution and against the interference in its spiritual concerns of persons or bodies who were not members; and the whole was prefaced by a series of propositions asserting the exclusive validity of the sacrament as dispensed by the "commissioned delegates" of the bishops, who were the successors of the apostles, being descended in a direct line from them by the imposition of hands." This declaration did not meet the views of Palmer, who wanted a broader basis, less controversial and comprising "a minimum of theological detail";2 and, after Perceval had approved it with the same reservations as Keble, it was withdrawn, and Keble again set to work. In his new draft there it looked pleasanter than ever while it stabbed me."-Burgon's Twelve Good Men, p. 96. He obtained two small cures one of them in London, and from October to March occupied the Chair of Divinity in the new University of Durham. Froude, whose health was even worse, left for the West Indies at the end of November. 1 Letters, ii. 32. 2 Contemporary Review, xliii. 650. |