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very disorder it is designed to remove. For what does the writer in effect, who limits by definition the meaning of his terms? He does that expressly and avowedly which others have perhaps unconsciously done. He takes the word from its large free use in the language, and attaches it especially to the meaning, which, in his own metaphysical speculation, is its most important meaning. For himself such definitions may be of avail; they are a means to clear up obscurity from his own language; they are a glossary annexed to his writings. But beyond this, for general application in philosophy, how do they seem to be available? The peculiar uses of terms which are found in the language of each inquirer belong to his speculations. If those speculations are just and important, and if on these, or on any other grounds, they are of authority with the public, they will carry to a certain degree into public use his own unconscious appropriation of terms; they will make their expression intelligible; and, if there is good reason, will impress its peculiarity permanently on the language of philosophy, and at last on the language of the country. What other authority can any writer attach to his own

peculiar expressions, to his own limitation of terms, than that which belongs to his mind and his works ?— All inquirers of original thought are candidates alike for fixing the terms of language; all impress their own meaning on its words with a force which is the force of their own minds. He whose paramount authority overbears his competitors, and leaves to his successors no choice but to adopt his language, has, with or without definition, fixed the language of philosophy. Whilst he who falls short of this authority, however carefully he may have limited and defined his significations, falls back into the number of those who, by their peculiarity of expression, have prepared obscurity for the writings of others, and, except to the most exact and studious of their readers, have left it upon their own.

It would seem to me, that the best a metaphysical writer can do for himself with respect to the important terms of philosophy, is to be consistent with himself in using them; and the best he can do for others, to disturb them as little as possible from their natural signification in the language to which they belong.

Oriel College, Oxford.

S. T. P.


THE character of Louis XVIII. has been so long obscured, formerly by his exile, and latterly by the eclipsing glory of the Sieur Caze, his favourite, that one must look thirty years back to find any traces of his real disposition, which is the more material, under present circumstances, inasmuch as it has given rise to the reproach so commonly thrown out against the Ultras of France, that they are more Royalist than the King.' A little examination into the early history of the revolution will shew that it was hardly possible to be less Royalist than Louis XVIII. was in those days of trial.

We cannot suspect that he was paralysed by the same vile and odious motives which excited the activity of Philip Egalité; but undoubtedly the circumstance in which he stood, of being the second in succession to the crown, and the first in succession to the regency, ought, as a matter of

mere good taste, to have made his affection towards his unhappy and persecuted brother, a little more prominent. It was surely a singular and unlucky coincidence, that he should be, of all his family, after the Dauphin, the nearest to the throne, and after Egalité, the dearest to the Jacobins. It is true that this disgraceful popularity was softened down by the very qualities which perhaps contributed to create it. His manners were low; his tastes were rather worse than his manners, and whatever abilities he may have possessed, were so buried under the sensuality and selfishness of his mode of life, that they gave neither hopes nor fears to the discontented nor to the loyal. Observe, we speak of thirty years ago. It is to be hoped, and indeed there is reason to believe, that these thirty years of adversity (if the king considered that to be adversity during which he never wanted two courses) may have in some degree

improved the personal character of this prince. But it is surely not too much to say, that somewhat of his original and natural indolence and selfishness is likely still to adhere to him, and to render him as indifferent to what may be the state of France under his younger brother, as he was to what was the state of France under his elder brother.

In 1789, a patriotic wit attributes to each of the royal family a song, the first line of which is supposed to be characteristic. The Count D'Artois sings,

"I am a soldier and a gentleman," but the Comte de Provence (Louis XVIII.) only mutters,

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Again-in another jeu d'esprit, also from a patriot pen, where characteristic residences in the different streets of Paris are assigned to the royal family, Egalité is lodged in the Rue de Louis le Grand; the Count D'Artois (whose devotion to his brother was so honourable that even his enemies respected it,) is placed in the Place Royale, while Monsieur (Louis XVIII.) is trundled into the Rue des Francs Bourgeois a street, says St Foix, which has its name from being inhabited by the lowest and meanest of the people. These not unimportant trifles are to be found in the Memoires pour servir a l'Histoire de 1789, p. 30 and 116.

But this, you will perhaps say, is the malice of the Jacobins. Not al

together; for the Jacobins detested M. D'Artois; yet, as we see, did him some kind of justice; and why should we take it for granted that they did not also do justice to M. de Provence ? But let us see what the Royalists thought of him. In the 15th volume of the Actes des Apotres, p. 128, there is one of those satirical songs called by the French Noels: the verse in which Louis XVIII is described, may be quoted as an additional proof of what the public opinion even of the Royalists of 1790, was with regard to him :Grand ami du silence, Du bon vin, du repos. Le Comte de Provence Balbutia ces mots;

"Souffrez que promptement chez moi je me retire,

"Je crains trop de l'embarras;
"Mon frère est dans un vilain pas,
"Mais, helas! qu'il s'en tire."
which may be thus imitated-

Very active at clearing his plate,
Very clever at holding his tongue;
In size he is Louis the great,

And thus he half-hiccupp'd half-sung: "Permit me to make my escape,

"I'm a poor inoffensive good man ? "My brother, who's in a d -d scrape,

"Must get out o't as well as he can." We think one may now safely say, that it is no very great crime in the French Royalists to be more Royalist than Louis the XVIIIth, who seeing his brother, his king, in a dd scrape,' is represented as leaving him to get out of it as well as he could. M.

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EXTRACTS FROM THE PRATO FIORITO," on the vice of dancing.


The godly book above mentioned late ly furnished me some important lessons, or familiar examples, relative to the sin of usury, which you agreed with me in thinking peculiarly apposite and instructive, on the eve of the meeting of a new Parliament, wherein it was apprehended that matters of this nature might undergo a great deal of discussion, and require the salutary check of ancient experience, to restrain the too licentious spirit of modern innovation. The close of the first session of the same Parliament induces me to refer again to the same valuable repertory of monastic lore with a like view of benefiting such of my

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dishonest dancing; which (as a learned doctor writes) it may be well said, is the head and fountain of all sins and wickedness-or, at least,"-(and here we may well admire the scrupulous spirit of candour and moderation in argument which distinguish es our author, and forbids him from asserting even so obvious a truism as this, with out adding the due qualification," or, at least, of the greater part." To have stated that the sin of dancing is the root

and foundation of all other sins without exception, few persons would have carried their criticisms so far as to condemn for be ing hyperbolical; but our author is too conscientious to assert, even as a general proposition, what may be liable to be disproved in particular instances, and I must confess that, in my opinion, he has rather strengthened than detracted ought from his argument by the modest sobriety of the subsequent qualification. Thus, "Tutti i Francesi sono ladri" is a national remark, the justness of which no true Englishman could dispute even in this bold uncompromising way of stating it but how much more forcible is it rendered by the qualifying clause" Non tutti-ma Buona Parte." But to proceed, “Inasmuch as," adds our author, still following up the same sentence, "it is impossible ever sufficiently to express how many and great are the evils which spring from dancing; seeing that by it all human feelings are vitiated; the heart itself grows corrupt and hardened; and, fi nally, the poor and miserable soul utterly perisheth."

He proceeds to trace the origin and invention of this "dissolute and lascivious exercise" to the devils in Hell, what time the Israelites, after feasting and gorging themselves with wine, fell to dancing round the molten calf in the desert; and he then enumerates the several unbecoming actions, by which (as he strongly expresses it,) young men and maidens, while dancing, do (as it were) crucify again their Redeemer." And first, he observes, "they find a sort of sensual gratification in, and moreover obtain the applause of the spectators by the act of, leaping as high as they are able not reflecting that in exact proportion to the altitude of every leap will be the depth to which they are doomed to sink in Hell." Secondly, " it oftentimes happens that dancers spread out and extend their arms in order to give greater energy to their performance, by which stretching out of the arms in this profane amusement they display a manifest disregard of the holy crucifix, the figure whereof they so irreverently imitate." The lifting of the head and voice are in like manner

construed into acts of undesigned, but nevertheless most impious, parody; and he finishes his exordium by a warn ing, peculiarly terrible to the class of male and female dandies, that the more curious and vain their attire at these indecorous exhibitions, the more conspicuous will be the deformity and rudity of their appearance "at the day of judgment."

We shall select the third of the legends, or "examples," which follow

these terrible denunciations. It shows "how certain persons, dancing on Christmas eve, were unable to cease dancing for a whole year afterwards.'

It is written in the "Speculum Historiale," how in a certain town in Saxony, where was a church dedicated to St Magnus the martyr, in the tenth year of the Emperor Honorius, just when the first mass was begun upon Christmas Eve, some vain young people, at the instigation of the devil, were set a dancing and singing in a dissolute manner hard by the church, in such manner that they hindered and disturbed the divine service.Whereupon the priest, moved with a holy and just indignation, commanded them to be still, and to give over this accursed vanity. But the aforesaid miserable sinners, for all that was said to them, and commanded them, would never cease from that execrable profaneness and devilish mischief. Upon which the priest, inflamed with zeal, cried out in a loud voice-" May it please God and St Magnus that ye all continue to sing and dance after this fashion for an entire year to come from henceforward." Wonderful to relate! So did these words of that holy man prevail, that, by divine permission, these wretched persons, (being fifteen in number, and three of them females,) did, in fact, so continue dancing and skipping about for a whole year together; nor did any rain fall upon them during all that time, nor did they feel cold, nor heat, nor hunger, nor thirst; nor did they ever tire; nor did their garments wax old, nor their shoes wear out. But as if they were beside themselves, like to people possessed with phrenzy, or idiots, they kept singing and dancing continually, night and day. At the end of the year came the bishop, who gave them absolution, and reconciled them before the altar of St Magnus. Which having been

done, the three women suddenly ex pired, and the rest slept for three days and nights successively, and afterwards did such penance for their sin, that they were thought worthy to work miracles after death. And some of them that lived longest, manifested the punishment of their offence in dreadful trem blings of their limbs, which they suffered even unto the day of their death. The sixth example relates how a virgin of noble family, and " of marvellous beauty, according to the flesh," became extremely anxious to go and join in the festivities and balls of this world; and, being restrained in her evil inclinations by her pious parents, waxed therefore very sad and sorrowful indeed. In which state being visited by a holy man, to whom she made confession of her vain wishes, he asked her, whether, if it were proposed to her, by the privation of a single day's pleasure, to secure the enjoy ment of a whole year's dancing and junketing, without interruptions, she would not agree to the bargain? And, having answered that certainly she

would do so with the greatest alacrity, the good man therefore read her a sermon, (which I may be excused for not inserting at length,) the object of which was to prove that, by her present denial of similar enjoyments on earth, she would secure to herself an eternity of them in heaven; and this he founded upon three texts-1. From the prophet Jeremiah, "Tu ornaberis tympanis tuis, et egredieris choro ludentium, &c." 2. From the Psalms, "Prævenerant principes conjuncti Psallentibus in medio juvenculorum tympanistrianum." And 3. From the Hymn of the Virgins, quacunque deges, Virgines sequuntur, atque laudibus post te canentes cursitant."And with these sacred promises the simple maiden was so much moved that she instantly became influenced with holy desires, and after dedicating her virginity to Christ, went, at the expiration of five years, to enjoy the literal accomplishment of her compact, in footing and jigging it to all eter nity.



IT is rather curious to recall to our recollection the States of Europe as they existed in 1737, and the ranks which they were, at that time, supposed to hold relatively to each other. The following list is extracted from the celebrated Abbé de St Pierre's plan for a European diet.-Ann. Polit. tom 2, p. 613.

1. The Emperor of Austria
2. The King of France
3. The King of Spain
4. The King of Portugal
5. The King of England
6. The States of Holland
7. The King of Denmark
8. The King of Sweden
9. The King of Poland
10. The Empress of Russia
11. The Pope

12. The King of Prussia
13. The Elector of Bavaria
14. The Elector Palatine
15. The Swiss

16. The Ecclesiastical Electorates
18. The Republic of Venice
18. The King of Naples
19. The King of Sardinia.

The celebrated "reverie" (as Fleury called it,) of a European diet to be formed of deputies from each of the

above named powers, to determine all differences by a kind of judicial decision, and thus to ensure eternal peace, appears now-a-days much less visionary than it did in 1737. In truth, the Congresses of Vienna, Paris, and Aix-la-Chapelle, in which the four great powers, Austria, England, Prussia, and Russia, (France being admitted latterly to the conferences,) settled all the questions relative to the division and policy of the great European family, were diets upon M. de St Pierre's principle. And it will be well for mankind if a continuation of the same system shall lead to the happy result which the philanthropic Abbé contemplated, of a general and lasting peace. Why should it not? Why should a shot be fired in Europe when Austria, England, France, Holland, Prussia, Russia, and Spain, form a tribunal to mediate between powers who may have a difference, and a united force to punish any country which should dare to commit aggression upon another.

Financial difficulties are the origin of all national discontents and political revolutions. It would be hard to find

a serious sedition in European history which has not had an immediate connexion with taxation. Now, war is the great cause of financial difficulties, and if the European congress shall render wars infrequent, and great military establishments, pro tanto, unnecessary, they will raise more effectual barriers against future revolutions than any other possible device of human wisdom can create. But alas, this wise system (if even to be persevered in) is only for the future. The French revolution, and above all, the gigantic ambition of "its child and champion," Bonaparte, have entailed upon Europe a load of expense and financial pressure which may, perhaps, be the germ of new troubles. They

also have created a military spirit, which has rendered war the favourite speculation of great masses of the population of all Europe; and they have unfortunately concluded with consolidating the triumph of their mischie vous principles, by the impunity which has been extended to all, and the rewards which have been lavished on most of the surviving criminals of that atrocious revolution.

Let us hope, however, that the several governments have internal strength to enable them to weather the present difficulties, and that the judicial union of the sovereigns may continue to decide upon all national differences, and thus deliver mankind from internal wars for the future.



I. EVERY one knows that in Burns' Arcum dola dedit, dedit illis alma Sagittam song which begins,

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"A king may mak a belted knight,
A marquis, duke, and a' that;
But an honest man's aboon his might,
Gude faith he maunna fa' that."

Freron tells us, that Lewis, walking one day in the garden of Versailles, with all his nobles around him uncovered, directed Mansard, an able architect and amiable man, who was, it seems, unwell, to put on his hat-the courtiers looked astonished at so great a condescension, but the monarch rebuked them by saying, " gentlemen, I can make as many dukes as I please, but I never could make a man like Mansard." Freron, vol. ix. p. 36.

II. The Jesuits of Dole had two fine convents and estates, the one called L'Arc (the bow) in Lorrain, and La Fléche (the arrow) in Anjou; when the latter was given them by Henry he IV. the following distich appeared,

Francia, quis chordum, quem meruere, daHowell's Fam. Epist.


Dole gave these monks the bow--a shaft,

the king;

But who will give, what they deserve, a string!

The anagram is pleasant; but, it seems, the Jesuits know how to have two strings to their bow.

III. Pope exposes, in admirable poetry, the idle vanity of those whose ancient, but ignoble blood, Has crept through scoundrels ever since the flood.

But I never have met this folly more strikingly exemplified than in an account of the family of Rosencrantz, in Hofman's Historical Portraits of the Worthies of Denmark. "This family, through a long train of descents of persons filling the highest offices, offers few events worthy of attention, except that one nobleman of this name was executed for forging, and another banished for a libel."

IV. A curious Trial by Jury.Christiern the II. had a mistress named Dyvele with whom he suspected one of his nobles, named Forben Oxe, to have been too familiar. She, however, died, and after her death the king asked Oxe to tell him sincerely if his suspicions were well founded. I own, said Oxe, I tried, but never could succeed with her. The furious king or dered Oxe to be tried for this intended crime before the senate-he was, of

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