DIDASCALIA.

DIDASCALIA were, properly speaking, records of those dramatic performances which were represented at Athens. They were composed and published periodically. Aristotle is understood to be the inventor of them. They were inscribed on marble or brass, and intended to inform contemporaries, and posterity, of those pieces that had appeared, whether tragedies or comedies, with their dates; and the controversial opinions, especially those committed to writing, to which they gave occasion, and in which the merits or defects of their composition were canvassed. They contained, moreover, the names of the poets who wrote them: distinguishing those which were crowned: the names of the Archons who had presided at their representations; and at what seasons of the year, or on .what solemnities. Two fragments of marble, at Rome, contain the only traces of these Didascalia.

It may well be believed that if an assemblage of these curious records were discovered, it would be deemed uncommonly interesting; but, that being hopeless, we shall adopt so much of the principles on which these ancient records were composed, as may justify our assumption of the title for a department in our work. We mean not to record only, but to examine what novelties our theatre produces, and to revive, if it be possible, those true principles of criticism, which may usefully direct writers who engage in this department of literature.

Criticism, deserving of the name, is equally removed from the mere blandishments of friendship, or the prejudices of favouritism, and from the acrimonious rebukes of illnature, or the sullen dogmas of would-be precision. Whoever ventures his labours on the stage is entitled to the praise of boldness, at least, and to every allowance which candour can justly make in his favour. The attempt itself is arduous: the chances against success, however a piece may deserve it, are so numerous, there are so many interests to be consulted, and so many persons to be propitiated, before it comes to the public, that when it is at length on its trial, a predilection in its favour is the pardonable bias of

criticism.

On the other hand, there are so many false dependences to which writers have recourse, they adopt so many illegitimate pretensions, deserving no better name than that of subterfuges, that it is proper a little diduscalian diserimination should recall the drama to reason, and common sense, and shew that its prosperity is in its nature inseparable from true excellence, genuine patriotism, and sound morals.

The public has been sickened with sentimental robbers, and compassionate bloody

murderers: nor will the finest moonlights, and the most enchanting scenery, deliver an audience from its disposition to yawn, when the long soliloquy drawls out the praise of virtue and virtuous deeds, by a banditto waiting for his prey, and ready to leap on the unwary traveller, whom he sees advancing to meet his fate. Hitherto the season has produced nothing new. We have therefore only to hint very briefly at

THE OPERA.

Bonaparte has suffered Madame Catalini to quit Paris and visit London; but he has very wisely pensioned her, publicly to the amount of 1200 livres, but how much more, in any other form, we do not hear. This retaining, fee is however not unworthy his policy, as a proper recollection of it will not be unworthy ours. If we may judge of the merits of this cantatrice by her success at Paris, they are of the very first order; insomuch, that at an extraordinary concert given by her, before her departure, the first places were 26 shillings, the lowest 10 shillings.

The Opera has also engaged Cherubini, not the celebrated composer of that name, but a singer of merit, we apprehend, in the comic line. As dancers, M. and Mde. Deshayes are re-engaged for three years: and a perma nent engagement is contracted with the balletmaster, M. Rossi.

DRURY LANE THEATRE

Has introduced a new performer in the cha racter of Jaques in As you like it. We advise Mr. Eyre to try a less arduous task, and by gradation rise."

Mrs. Forbes, from the Dublin Theatre, has appeared in Albina in the Will. She evinced considerable vivacity and ease; with talents likely to be serviceable.'

COVENT GARDEN THEATRE.

We have noticed with pleasure the attention that has been paid to our immortal bard. Henry the Eighth is a splendid instance, and much praise certainly is due to Mr. Kemble. Mr. Melvin from York has made his debut in the character of Walter in The Children in the Wood. His principal faults are too much extravagance, and too little attention to nature. He is capable of becoming a useful performer.

The Beggar's Opera has been selected to display Miss Bolton's powers, which are of a superior kind; she indeed promises to be an acquisition to the vocal department. But could no other play have been found suited to her abilities? Was it necessary to introduce her to the town, via Newgate? or have the managers forgot Sir John Fielding's remarks on this Opera:* We also recommend to

The late Sir John Fielding, once told Hugh Kelly, on a successful run of the Beggar's Opera, "that he expected a fresh cargo of highwaymen, in consequence, at his

STATE OF POLITICS.

In the course of a very few weeks, the political face of Europe has undergone no iaconsiderable change, but though we may cast a glance of exultation to the coasts of Calabria, and from the remembrance of former connections may regard with some sentiments of pity, the degraded and impoverished state of Holland, the attention of every man must be influenced by other considerations, and fixed to that spot, which contains the armies of Prussia and France.

It appears by the latest accounts from the Continent, that hostilities have actually commenced; and though, in nothing more than a rencontre of advanced posts, the advantage was on the side of the Prussians. Thus are we placed on the verge of great events; perhaps, taken in all their consequences, of such as inay be ranked among the most important that have ever inspired the hopes or alarmed the fears of mankind. Prussia has, at length been compelled to pursue that system, which, if it had been last year adopted, her existence would not now have been menaced, and she might have been contemplating the repose of Europe, in the attainment and possession of which universal blessing, she would have had so large a share. Without venturing to offer an opinion as to the result of the present conflict, we must look forward to the witnessing such a scene of carnage and of horror, which has seldom, if ever, encrimsoned those plains, that have so often smoked with the blood of victims offered to sanguinary Mars. We may, however, venture to assert, as some encouragement to our hopes, that the Prussian army in point of numbers, discipline and spirit is equal to its work. It is commanded by generals, whose pirit, skill and experience are known and approved, and whose fidelity is beyond all challenge. The King is with his army to animate it by his

presence, and his example. Nor is this all: the most enthusiastic patriotism prevails among all ranks, and in every part of the Prussian dominions: the hatred of the French is as universal as it is violent, and every man's ardour to engage in the contest, is sharp as the sword which must conduct him through it. Such is the commencement of this important war, undertaken by Prussia and her allies, among whom the Emperor of Russia is understood to stand conspicuously forward, for no less an object than the peace of Europe. Quod felix, faustumque sit, must be the ardent wish of every one who is interested in the happiness of the civilized world.

But the hostilities between Prussia and France, do not alone excite the attention of Europe; the late negociation for peace between Great Britain and France has shared in its regards and expectations. We are now, indeed, perfectly qualified to judge of these weighty matters, by the Declaration of his Britannic Majesty, and the Manifesto of the King of Prussia which have just appeared : two state papers of extraordinary interest and importance.

His Majesty's Declaration must be highly satisfactory to every part of the empire, as containing a most able, vigorous, and convincing statement of the late negociation. Throughout the whole of it, the governments of the two countries appear in their respective characters. The high political virtues of England, and the low political vices of France, appear strongly contrasted with each other. The suspicion, which seemed to haunt the minds of many, that the present ministers in their eagerness for peace, had compromised the honour and native spirit of the people, is peremptorily removed, and the whole transaction may now be considered by the most jealous Englishman with satisfaction and confidence.

As we give the original document entire, we shall submit the effect which it must produce on our readers, to their own reflections: the good sense of the British nation needs no assistance on such a paper.

When the correspondence which passed between the two governments shall be published; we may know more of the detail, but we shall not be better acquainted, than we now are, with the constituent parts of the negociation. We may then be informed of the reasons which actuated the British government to continue their communications, so long after it must have been convinced, that Buonaparte never entertained the desire of making peace but upon conditions, not only dishonourable to the character, but destructive of the prosperity of the British nation; and that the negociation was proposed merely as a ruse de guerre, to delude the continental powers.

The King of Prussia's Manifesto describes in a most impressive manner, and at great length, the whole revolutionary period and its aggressions, down to the present state of Buonaparte's enormous power. It appears from this paper, that his Prussian Majesty discovered soon after the peace of Presburgh, what Europe had long perceived, the error of his conduct It is acknowledged also, that when Prussia submitted, as it has done, to the influence of France, it was not in a state to resist. With respect to Hanover, it may be seen, that when the Prussian government took possession of that country, it was merely provisional, in order to prevent the French from occupying it. But as it was the object of Buonaparte to embroil Prussia with England he soon induced the former to assume the sovereignty of the electorate. Nevertheless, incredible as it might appear, if there were anything however atrocious of which Buonaparte is not capable, the restoration of Hanover was an actual and primary condition associated with the proposition made by the Corsican to enter upon a negociation for peace. In short, from her own statement there appears to be no other redemption for Prussia, but by a war with France, and may Heaven grant, in mercy to the world, that she may be redeemed, and effect, by her successes, the peace and salvation of Europe.

DECLARATION OF HIS BRITANNIC MAJESTY.

[From the London Gazette, October 21, 1806.]

The negociations in which His Majesty has been engaged with France having terminated unsuccessfully, His Majesty thinks proper to make this public declaration to his subjects and to Europe, of the circumstances which have led to an issue which His Majesty deeply regrets. He has no object nearer to his heart than the conclusion of a secure and permanent peace. He laments the con-tinuance of a war affecting the happiness of so many nations, and which, even amidst all the successes that attend his arms, is so burthensome to his faithful and affectionate people. But he is confident that there can arise on this occasion no other sentiment, either in his own dominions, or in any part of Europe, than that of an inereased conviction that the restoration of general tranquillity is retarded only by the injustice and ambition of the enemy.

The French government, unsatisfied with its immense acquisitions on the continent, still openly perseveres in a system destructive of the independence of every other power. War is pursued, not for security, but for conquest; and negociations for peace appear to be entered into for no other object than that of deluding the neighbouring powers into a state of false security, while France is

herself preparing, arranging, and executing her unremitted projects of incroachment and aggression.

Her conduct, in the recent discussions has afforded but too many proofs of this disposition.

The negociation originated in an offer made by the French government of treating for peace on the basis of actual possession, which was stated to admit of mutual compensation, and a distinct assurance was added, that His Majesty's German dominions, which had been attacked without even the pretence of any cause of hostility, should be restored.

Such a proposal appeared to His Majesty to afford a just foundation for negociating; it was therefore accepted, with this reserve, that the negociation should be conducted by Ais Majesty in concert with his allies.

No sooner had this basis been mutually admitted, than it was departed from by the enemy, and that too in points of so great importance as to call for an immediate declaration on the part of His Majesty, that unless the principle proposed by France herself were adhered to, the communications which had been opened between the two governments must at once be closed.

This produced new professions of the disposition of France to make considerable sacrifices for the attainment of peace, if the discussions were suffered to proceed; at the same time that a difficulty was started on account of the want of full powers in the person intrusted by His Majesty with this communi cation. Steps were thereupon taken by His Majesty for opening a regular negociation by ministers daly authorized, in order to ascertain, in a manner the most satisfactory and authentic, whether peace could be obtained on terms honorable to the king and his allies, and consistent with the general security of Europe.

During these proceedings, a minister sent by the Emperor of Russia to treat for the same important object, in concert with His Majesty's government, was induced by the artifices of the enemy to sign a separate treaty, on terms equally repugnant to the honour and interests of His Imperial Majesty.

Unmoved by this unexpected event, the King continued to, negociate precisely on the same principles as before. le relied, with confidence, which experience has amply justified, on the good faith and steadiness of an ally, in concert with whom he had begun to treat, and whose interests he had maintained throughout with the same firmness as his

own.

The French government, on the contrary, clated by this advantage, of which it boasted as equal in importance to the most decisive victory, departed in every conference more

and more widely from its own offers and engagements. Not only did it take upon itself to change at its own will the basis of the negociation with Great Britain, but violated in points still more important, every principle of good faith with Russia. The chief inducement offered to that power as the price of all the sacrifices extorted from her Minister, had been the preservation of Germany. Yet, before the decision of Russia on this treaty could be known, France had already annihilated the whole frame and constitution of the German Empire; had reduced under her own yoke a large proportion of the states and provinces of Germany; and not content with this open contempt of obligations so recently contracted, had, at the same time, instigated the Porte to measures directly subversive of her subsisting engagements with Russia.

While such a conduct was pursued towards His Majesty, towards his allies, and towards all independent powers, there appeared so little hope of any favourable issue to the negociation, that His Majesty's plenipotentiaries demanded their passports to return to England.

This demand was at first eluded by an unusual and unexplained delay, and the French government afterwards, by some material concessions, accompanied with intimations that others of still greater consequence might be the result of further discussion, procured a renewal of the conferences, which were protracted from day to day, till at length it was announced at Paris that the Emperor of Russia had indignantly rejected the unauthorised and separate treaty signed by his minister.

now

In consequence of this important event, the strongest assurances were given to His Majesty's minister, that France was prepared to make sacrifices to a great extent, in order, by securing peace with Great Britain, to re-establish the tranquillity of the world.

The object of these assurances appeared, however, to be, that of engaging His Majesty in a separate negociation, to the exclusion of his allies; a proposal which His Majesty had rejected in the outset, and which he could still less admit of at a time when the conduct of Russia had imposed on him an increased obligation not to separate his interest from those of so faithful an ally. To these insidious overtures, His Majesty steadily refused to listen; but he took the most effectual method to avoid all appearance of delay and to accelerate, if possible, the favourable issue of the negociation. The confidential intercourse which he had constantly maintained with Russia, enabled His Majesty to specify the terms on which peace with that power might be obtained; and his minister

was according instructed to state to France, in addition to his own demands, those of his ally, to reduce them into distinct articles, and even to conclude on those grounds a provisional treaty to take effect whenever Russia should signify her accession.

This form of negociating, was after some objection acceded to by France; terms were now offered to His Majesty more nearly approaching than before to the original basis of negociation; but these were still far short of what His Majesty had uniformly insisted on, and was now more than ever entitled to expect; and the decisive rejection of the just demands of Russia, as well as of the conditions proposed by his Majesty in behalf of his other allies, left to His Majesty no other course than that of ordering his minister to terminate the discussion and return to England.

The foregoing short and simple exposition of facts stands in need of no comment. The first overtures which led to negociation were made by the enemy, and they were accepted by His Majesty in the sincerest spirit of peace. Every opening which seemed to afford the most distant prospect of accommodation has been anxiously embraced, nor was the negociation finally broken off, while any hope of a favourable issue could be entertained. His Majesty's demands were uniformly just and reasonable; directed to no objects of personal aggrandizement, but to such only as were indispensably required by the honour of his crown, his engagements to his allies, and a due consideration of the general interests of Europe.

It is with heartfelt concern that His Majesty contemplates the continuance of those evils always inseparable from a state of war; but it is with his enemies that this awful responsibility rests; and for the issue of the contest his Majesty trusts, with confi dence, to the justice of his cause; to the resources and bravery of his people; to the fidelity of his allies; and, above all, to the protection and support of the divine providence.

In contributing to the great efforts which such a contest must unavoidably require, his faithful and affectionate subjects will not forget that all their dearest interests are at stake; that no sacrifices they can be called upon to make are to be compared with the certain dis grace and ruin of yielding to the injurious pretences of the enemy; that with the invioiable maintenance of the good faith and pub lic honour of their country, its prosperity, its strength, and its independence, are essen tially connected; and that in asserting the rights, and upholding the dignity of the British Empire, they defend the most powerful bulwark of the liberties of mankind.

MANIFESTO

MANIFESTO OF HIS PRUSSIAN
MAJESTY.

His Majesty the King of Prussia having taken up arms for the defence of his people, considers it as necessary to lay before them, and the whole of Europe, the facts which have rendered it his duty to take this step.

The political state of France has, for fifteen years, been the scourge of humanity. That the possessors of uncertain power, who, since the year 1792, have, in rapid succession, been at the head of France, should render their authority only the instrument of war, and seek their security only in the misery of the people, cannot excite great wonder. But the establishment of a more firm government, not possessed by the same necessity, animated anew the hopes of the friends of peace.--Napoleon, invested with sovereign authority, victorious, surrounded by weak states, friendly disposed governments, or conquered and exhausted rivals, had it in his power to chuse a better part. Nothing more remained for him to do for the greatness of France; for her happiness, every thing was in his power.

It is painful to be obliged to say, that the French politics still continue the same; an insatiable ambition was still the ruling character of the French government. Armies and treaties were employed to the same purpose. The treaty of Amiens was scarcely concluded, when the signal for the first acts of violence followed. Two independent states, Holland and Switzerland, were obliged to accept a constitution, which changed them into French Provinces. The renewal of the war was the consequence.

In the mean time, peace still continued on the Continent; the German Empire had purchased it with immense sacrifices. In the midst of this peace, the French troops made an irruption into the territory of Hanover, which had no relation to the war between France and England; they shut the ports of Germany to the British flag, and that they might effect this, seized on Cuxhaven, and took possession of a free state, still more unconnected with the war than even Hanover itself.

In the midst of this peace likewise was it, that these troops, a few months afterwards, insulted the German Empire in a manner which still more deeply wounded the honour of the nation. The Germans have not avenged the death of the Duke D'Enghien, but the remembrance of this event can never be effaced from their memories.

The treaty of Luneville guaranteed the independence of the Italian Republic. In defiance of the most solemn promises, Napoleon placed the iron crown upon his head. Genoa was incorporated with France; Lucca had nearly a similar fate. Only a few months before, the Emperor, on a solemn occasion, VOL. I. [Lit. Pan, Nov. 1806.]

an occasion which imposed on him great duties, had declared before his people, and before Europe, that he wished not to extend further the boundaries of his empire. A treaty with Russia likewise obliged France to provide an indemnification for the King of Sardinia, in Italy. Instead of fulfilling these engagements, he seized on all those territories which could be appropriated to such indemnification. Portugal wished to preserve her neutrality; she was obliged to purchase, with money, some moments of deceitful security.

Thus there remained, with the exception of Turkey, which still remembered the attack on Egypt and Syria, no power in Europe which had not been the object of unprovoked

attack.

With these acts of violence was combined a system of insult and contempt. A journal, which announced itself as the voice of the government, was chosen as the chronicle of undisguised attacks on all crowned heads.

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Not one of these general attacks and insults was foreign to Prussia; several were intimately connected with her dearest interests; and, besides, the wisdom of that tem which considers all the states of Europe as members of one and the same family, which calls all to the defence of each, and points out the danger resulting to all from the aggrandisement of one, was, by experience, sufficiently confirmed.

But it is especially necessary to state what has been the conduct of France towards Prussia, in her immediate relations with that power.

It will be superuflous to enumerate all the good offices rendered to Napoleon by Prussia. Prussia was the first power which acknow→ ledged him. No promises, no threats, could shake her neutrality. For, during six years, she acted as a friendly neighbour; she esteemed a brave nation, which had ever acted generously by her, both in peace and war, and she did justice to the genius of her chief. The remembrance of these times is no longer retained by Napoleon. Prussia had suffered the attack on the Electorate of Hanover. In this she had countenanced an act of injustice, therefore was it her first view to remedy it; she offered herself for it instead of England, upon the condition that the latter should cede it. It must, however, at least, be recollected, that thus a boundary was prescribed to France, which she should not pass. Napoleon solemnly engaged not to invade the neutrality of the northern states, nor offer violence to any of them, and especially not to augment his troops in the Electorate.

Scarcely had he entered into these engagements, when he broke them. Every one knows by what an act of violence Sir Francis Rumbold was seized. Every one knows how the Hanse towns were forced to make con

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