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NOTES:-Giberti, Bishop of Verona, and the Giberti Press, 1-Lord Hussey and the Lincolnshire Rebellion, 3-Gerunde Family-Sir Thomas Lawrence's Father, 5-Death of Edward of Lancaster-Berengaria, Queen of Richard I.- Irish Popular Ballads-Danish Folk-lore, 6-Mumping Day-On the Works of Michel Angelo-" Fools' paradise"-A Misprint-"Pincushion Inn "-A Proverb-Christmas Day on a Sunday, 7. QUERIES:-Courtesy Titles, 7 Cards-Authors Wanted, 10. REPLIES:-A Protestant Indulgence of the Seventeenth -Authors Wanted, 19. NOTES ON BOOKS:-The Speaker's Commentary: New Notes. GIOVANNI MATTEO GIBERTI, BISHOP OF MR. CLARKE, in his interesting account of the One word, in limine, as to the bishop's name. It was Giberti, as I have placed it at the head of the present_note, not Ghiberti, as written by MR. CLARKE. I have before me the elaborate and valuable monograph, Della Tipografia Veronese, Saggio Storico-Letterario (Verona, Tip. Merlo, 1871), by Mgr. G. B. Carlo Conte Giuliari, Canon, and Librarian of the Chapter Library, as an authority alike for the orthography of the bishop's name and for the publications of his press. The works named by Mgr. Giuliari as having been published under the direction of Bishop Giberti, besides the Chrysostom of 1529, are the following: Veronæ, MDXXIX. mense Septemtrio [sic] per Stepha"Rossetti Blasii, Libellus de Rudimentis Musices, num et fratres de Nicolinis de Sabio," &c. 4to. and other works of the Giberti Press, were invited The printers of this book, as of the Chrysostom to Verona by the bishop, who established his press in the immediate vicinity of the cathedral, Roman and Greek. The Chrysostom bears date and furnished his printers with new type, both that not much time was lost in bringing out " quarto Kalendas Julias," 1529, so it would seem Rossetti's book, the author of which was organist of the cathedral, and dedicated his work to the the next issue of the Giberti Press being the bishop. After music came the turn of grammar, following: - "Grammatica Latina in Volgare. In Verona MDXXIX Decembrio [sic]." 4to. per Maestro Stephano Nicholini et Fratelli. Adi 23 This work is of unknown authorship. Maffei thought it the first Latin grammar published in Italian. the Giberti Press, both as regards typography and The year 1530 saw some important issues from subject-matter. It opened with : 'Euthymii Monachi Zigabeni, Commentationes in omnes Psalmos de Græco in Latinum conversæ per R. D. Philippum Saulum Episc. Brugnatensem. Veronæ per Stephanum Nicolinum, &c., MDXXX. Januario." Fol. mense A splendid edition, says Giuliari, in beautiful type, and with ample margin. It is dedicated to Clement VII. The next work published in 1530 belongs to the hanno da fare i Chierici, massimamente Curati, ecc. lication, Fracastori's very highly praised Morbus From 1530 we pass on to 1531, and from physical science we turn to theology : "Johannis Damasceni, de Fide Orthodoxa, et de iis qui in fide dormierunt, græce. Veronæ apud Stephanum, etc. mense Majo. MDXXXI." 4to. Like the Chrysostom, this is the editio princeps of the Greek text, and is edited by the same editor, Bernardino Donato, and dedicated to the same Pontiff, Clement VII. A few months pass away, and philosophy has its turn at the Giberti Press : "Turrii Julii Marci, De felicitate ad Paulinam Sororem. Veronæ MDXXXI die xv mense Novembri per Stephanum et fratres," &c. 4to. This is printed in what Giuliari calls a cursive character, like Fracastori's poem. With the year 1532 patristic theology comes to the front once more : Expositiones antiquæ ac valde utiles......Ex diversis Sanctor. Patrum Commentariis ab Ecumenico et Aretha collectæ, &c. Veronæ MDXXXII apud Stephanum etc., mense februario." Fol. A magnificent edition, says Giuliari, like the Chrysostom for the beauty of its type and paper, and likewise edited by Donato, and dedicated to Clement VII. The text is Greek throughout, and unaccompanied by a single note or translation. On this circumstance Mgr. Giuliari has a characteristic passage, which I may perhaps be allowed to cite from my former paper (Transactions R. S. L., vol. xi. pt. i. New Series) : "In those days only the few studied Greek, but at any rate they were to be found in every town, and their knowledge of the language was thorough. Nowadays it is taught in all the public Gymnasia, but hardly one can be found who understands it without a lexicon !" I must be content myself, like most of the undistinguished herd of the nineteenth century, to confess my great obligations to Liddell and Scott. Another Grecist of the day, Nogarola, follows suit, of whom I shall have to speak more specially in connexion with a subsequent work of his :"Nogarola Ludovici, Joannis Damasceni, libellus de his qui in fide dormierunt. e græco in latinum. Veronæ MDXXXII apud Stephanum etc., mense Mar." 4to. Leone Allacci censured Nogarola for having attributed this work to St. John Damascene, but Maffei, with a touch of irony not inapplicable to other such cases, remarks that if Allacci had lived in Nogarola's day he would probably have done just the same. I should like to take this opportunity of calling attention again to the fact that a mass of MS. matter of Nogarola's composition, which formed part of the Saibante collection, is known to have reached this country, but all the researches of the late Sir Antony Panizzi were unavailing to trace the collection beyond the bookseller who was the first purchaser. Who knows, asks Mgr. Giuliari, in what English lord's house these MSS. are now reposing? If any "Lord Inglese " feels that the cap fits, he will do good service by letting us know it through "N. & Q." The next Veronese publication, and probably, but not certainly, also due to the Giberti Press, is an important original work by Nogarola, to which I specially drew the attention of my colleagues in the Royal Society of Literature as being directly connected with the contemporary history of England: 4to. "Nogarolæ Ludovici, Disputatio super Reginæ Britannorum divortio, s.u.n. (Veronæ 1532 apud Steph. etc.)." A very rare tract, says Giuliari, of twenty-four pages, and one which, though without any note, must be held to have issued from the press of the brothers Nicolini about the year 1532. The grounds for this attribution are, as before, the other absence of our knowledge that any press was then in existence at Verona. Nogarola's correspondence, which was in the now dispersed Saibante collection, already alluded to, would, if we may judge from a sample cited by Mgr. Giuliari, throw not a little light upon the methods used to obtain opinions in favour of Henry VIII. on the great divorce question. I think the passage may be worth reproduction. "It is now a year," wrote Nogarola to Cardinal Clesio, "since an envoy of the King of Britain came here to us, and sought to work upon all the jurisconsults of this town, by promises both of heaps of money and the king's favour, to approve and establish by arguments and reasoning the divorce that he wished to obtain from Catherine, daughter of the late King of Spain." Nogarola's opinion was, however, unfavourable to Henry's wishes, so it may be presumed that he 66 nor got neither "heaps of money' the king's favour." But one more Veronese work attributed to the Giberti Press remains to be mentioned:Ludovici Canossii Episcopi Bajocensis." 4to. s.u.n. Mgr. Giuliari urges that this extremely rare tract of eight unnumbered pages should be referred to the Giberti Press and to the year 1532, the period of the death of the Bishop of Bayeux, who was an intimate friend of Bishop Giberti. The only known copy of this work, when obtained, after long and fruitless search, by Marquis Ottavio di Canossa, shortly before the publication of Mgr. Giuliari's book, was immediately presented by the fortunate purchaser to the Civic Library in Verona-a good example to his fellow citizens, truly observes Giuliari, who has himself, I may add, set a similar example. The present Bishop of Verona, it is not uninteresting to note, is a member of the same distinguished house of Canossa, from which Michael Angelo claimed descent. "Donati Bernardini, Oratio habita in funere R. D. Of Bishop Giberti, as an enlightened patron of letters, enough has been said, I hope, to establish his claim to the respectful memory of biblio graphers. Of his character as a prelate, it may be New University Club, S.W. LORD HUSSEY AND THE LINCOLNSHIRE (Concluded from 6th S. iv. 531.) Lord Hussey was one of those "Lordes," who, Stow tells us, was "caused" to join the rebel muster, we cannot say, but in the second of the three documents* under notice-the account which he himself gave of his action in the rebellion-he certainly gives his denial to the charge of treason, with all appearance of truthfulness. This document is addressed to Cromwell, and must have been written after Lord Hussey's conviction. We will, therefore, first consider the charges of which he was found guilty. Lord Hussey was indicted at Sleaford on May 12, 1536. In the indictment his name heads the list of some half-dozen persons, mostly "gentlemen," who were charged with "traitorously conspiring to deprive the king of his dignity, I do not think that I can bring my present note rights, and title, viz., of being supreme Head of to a better close than by repeating the words the Church of England," and who, on October 2 in written to me by a distinguished author-his- the same year, at Louth, "by the aid and abettorian, poet, and art critic-the late Earl of Craw-ment of the Lord Huse," levied war against the ford and Balcarres, with which I closed my paper king, "made proclamations, and caused bells to before the Royal Society of Literature:-"Verona be rung, by means of which they raised the people was a wonderful place, both in art and typography, to the amount of 4,000 persons," and so continued and the stamp of its greatness is on it still." for two days. After which, with "arms and imC. H. E. CARMICHAEL. plements of war," having taken oaths, chosen leaders, and increased their number to 6,000, they proceeded, "with banners displayed, to Caister," and there compelled "Sir Robert Tyrwhit Knight, and other Justices of the King, then sitting in full sessions, to fly for fear of death, and We learn from Stow that the rebellion in Lin- indictment further states that, at "the instigation took some of the said justices prisoners." The colnshire first manifested itself, early in October, of the Lord Huse," the rebels, then numbering 1536, at an assize, held in various parts of the 12,000 persons, finally marched upon Lincoln, county, for collecting the king's subsidy. The and that throughout the insurrection Lord Hussey rebels numbered together nearly 20,000 men ;+"compassed and imagined the death of the king," these, the chronicler tells us, "tooke certaine and "aided and abetted" in raising the rebellion. Lordes and gentlemen of the country causing them Lord Hussey pleaded "Not guilty," but the verdict to be sworne to them upon certaine Articles, of "Guilty" being unanimously returned, judgment which they had devised"; such as refused to swear was found as in cases of high treason- "Execution the rebels kept prisoners. Learning of the re- to be had at Tyborne."+ So much, then, for the bellion, Henry quickly despatched a considerable indictment. Now let us see what Lord Hussey, force, under the command of the Duke of Suffolk, then awaiting his execution, writes to Cromwell. upon the appearance of which the rebels seem It seems that the secretary had desired that he wisely to have laid down their arms and craved should furnish him with all particulars of the repardon; their captains were, however, appre- bellion in Lincolnshire, and of that which broke hended and executed. Now, from Stow's account, out, almost at the same time, in Yorkshire. In it would certainly seem that the captains, or chief reward for such information the secretary had promen of the county, who were comparatively inno-mised a pardon of "lyffe, lands, and goodes," but cent of the whole affair, as they were forced to join the rebels by means of actual violence, were punished, whilst the rebels themselves-with a few exceptions-escaped scot free. Whether or not * Stow's Chronicle, p. 573. It will be seen later, from the indictment taken against the rebels, that their number never really amounted to more than 12,000. On March 29, 1537, twelve Lincolnshire men were drawn to Tyburn and there hanged and quartered. One of these was an abbot (Dr. Mackrel).-See Stow's Chron., p. 574. we shall see by what follows that Lord Hussey could give no particulars of the "rising," and probably for the very good reason that he was totally unconnected with it, or else that, after all arrangements for it were completed, he was forced into taking a part in the proceedings. After promising to state "the truth, and the whole truth," he writes: * Amongst the State Papers for the year 1537-8. † See Baga de Secretis, Pouch x., Bundle 2, 29 Hen. VIII. "I never knewe of the begyning (of the rebellion) in nether of the places, otherwise than is conteyned in the bill that I dide deliver to St Thomas Wentworthe at Windsoure, nor was I never previe to these acts, nor never biddyd them (the rebels) in will, worde, or dede, but if I myght have hade fyve hundreth men I wolde have fought wt them, or ells I forsake my parte of heven; for I was never traitor, nor of no counsaile of treason against his grace, and that will I take my dethe uppon when it shall please God and his Highness. Now at mydsomer shalbe thre yeres, my lorde Darcy, I, and S Robt Counstable, as we satt at the borde, yt happenid that we spake of Sr Fraunces Bygott, and his Priste in his sermonte lykenede Or Ladie to a poding, when the meate was ought* with many wordes more; and then my Lorde Darcey said that he was a noughty Priste, let him go; for in good faith I wilbe noe herityke. And so said I, and lykwise Sr Robert Counstable, for we will die Cristen men. And as for any worde of the Kinges matters, I harde none. "Syns that tyme I never harde worde of that matter, nor of no nother, nor never sawe them, butt ons, and then they spake no worde of that to me, nor I to them. My Lorde, come lyffe or dethe, here is all I ever sayd. "All theis considerede, I humblie beseche yor good Lordeshippe, in the honor of God, to be good Lorde to me, my wiffe, and my children. "JOHN HUSE." For some reason, however-possibly because the king found it more convenient to disbelieve Lord Hussey's plea of innocency-it did not receive credence, and in the last of the three documents selected for notice we find Lord Hussey, almost on the eve of execution, praying the king that those of his (Lord Hussey's) creditors who had not already received payment of their debts might not suffer by his forfeiture. The following petition, read in conjunction with the will-by which, as we have seen, the testator was so careful to provide for the comfort and welfare of his family after his decease-gives us some insight into the personal character of Lord Hussey, and shows him to have been, as well as an affectionate husband and father, an upright man of business, who, in the midst of troubles, even on the point of dying a cruel death, did not forget those to whom he was indebted. The petition, which is addressed "to the Kinges Highnes," runs thus : "First that it may please his Grace of his Charitie, and for the love of God, to discharge such my sureties as stand bounden for me to his Highnes for the payement of certain sumys of money yet not paid, nor the dayes come, howbeit some are past; or elles that thei may recover suche land as I have appointed for the discharge of the same. And I shall pray for his grace, for I never offendid his grace in wyll, dede, or thought in any treason, by the dethe that I shall dye, and as I wold be savyd. "Item. I have paid to his grace the sumys of thre thousand pounds, as it shall appere by my boke signed The practice of likening the Blessed Virgin to "a saffron bag," was frequent about this period; and is similar to the idea of likening her "to a poding when the meate was ought "; as a bag in which saffron has once been contained becomes so impregnated with it that, even when emptied of its contents, it still retains some of the properties of saffron. with the hands of his grace's treasourers of his chamber, the specialties whereof remaynes in the hands of his said grace's treasourers, for the which some his grace gave me my pardon, redye to be shewid so it towchid no thing of his words. Notwithstanding my pardon my Lord Cardynall compellid me to paye it at that tyme. I movid his grace, and his highness promysid me that it shuld have hadd remedye. Now in the honor Criste's Passion have petye of my synfull sowle and forgeve all my defaults and necligence, but treasons, and for that I wyll aske no pardon for as I be savid Í never offendid his grace in treason. of "Item. That his grace wyll be so gracious unto me that my detts may be paid that hereafter ensewith. "First to one Cowper of Westmynster, xx". "Item. To the executors of one Thomas Robertson of Boston, xx1i. "Item. I was executor to one Lowe of Waltham which he and I chargid to spend x1" on a waye called Honye Lane, I spent as yet but x". And I spake with the warden of the Graye Freers at Ware to have gotten me some honest man to have lookyd upon it for this xxx", and that to spend upon the same. (Beseching your Grace in the waye of Charitie it may be paid.) "Item. I did sell to one Jamys Meryng certain woods at Kynsall, and recevyd of hym fiftie pounds, which wood as yet stands: in my most humble maner I beseche his highness ether that he may have his wood or his money. same xl marks. "Item. I do owe to Wylliam Walhedd bailif of the "Item. I do owe to my Lord of Lyncoln xx" or xxx”. "Item. To one Wyll'm Cawdron of Hekington xxy". "Item. To Sir John Allen Knight xx". and I to paye hyr dawghter viii, yerely xl, and that "Item. My Aunte Marmyon and I was thorough [sic], she shall delyver all suche plate as she hadd of myne, which was worthe a good C markes and farther hadd hyr borde with me ix or x yerys. "Item. The prior of Spalding x1" that I borrowid of Prior Boston. "Ilem. To one Mr. Sentpole xx" that I borrowid of hym. "Item. To John Soutte, Tailor to the Qwene, viii“. "Item. To Mr. Richard Grossand of London xxii". which apperith dewe by me to paye which the said "Item. To my servaunte Nicolas Fetherston for ii bylls Nicolas did laye owte for me. "Item. To one Tonge Tailor Fletestrete vi". "Item. To my servaunte Peter Seynthill clerc of my Kechin, as apperith by a byll signed and sealid with my hand wch he laide owt of and for the charge of my house viii". "Item. To John Clement of Folkingham v". Item. To Maistres Darnold in Woodstrete iiij " "Item. To one Thomas Tipkyn of Saint Katheryns iiij". "Item. To one Poynter of Lymehouse v". "Item. To one Thomas Webster of Willowghby vili xiii ivd. "Item. To the Susters of one Grymsby (whose tytle as I remember one Wentworth hath by maryage) for the purchase of Bytham, to my remembraunce xxv.* "Item. I beseche his grace to be good unto a dawghter of myne wch is called Dorothe Huse, which was handefasted and bytrawthid to one Thomas Wymbusshe by their owne accorde and agrementes before sufficient Record. Which Thomas Wymbusshe was warde unto his grace and I bought hym of his highenes,† Beseching *An addition, apparently, in Lord Hussey's own hand. † See Pat. Roll, 24 Hen. VIII., p. 1, grant to Lord Hussey of the wardship and marriage of Thomas, son and heir of Christopher Wymbushe, deceased. |