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naturally omits this passage; he says, in a general sense: Aúkoc καὶ κυσὶν ἦν ποτε ἔχθρα, κύων δὲ Ἕλλην ἡρέθη στρατηγὸς κυσὶν, &c., evidently because Achæan and Hellenic were, in his mind, synonymous. But the poet, who wrote Kúwv 'Axaiòs npion κυνῶν δήμου στρατηγὸς εἶναι, had evidently the Achæan league in his thoughts; and who other can be intended by that cautious general than Aratus, the soul of that league? The wolves, the enemies of the dogs, are no other than the Ætolian league. But it is not necessary to confine ourselves to these generalities; we must advance a step further, and search for the exact situation which the poet had in his thoughts. I have no doubt that Babrius here alludes to Aratus's third strategy, which belongs to the year 241. In the year before, the Ætolians, in league with the Macedonians, had undertaken a predatory expedition into Peloponnesus, in their genuine character of lupi raptores. Their purpose was the utter annihilation of the Achæan league; and with this view, they collected all the resources they could command. In the year 241, the Ætolians prepared for a fresh incursion. In the meantime, Agis had effected his reforms in Sparta, and advanced with a chosen band to the assistance of Aratus, who had been, for the third time, elected general of the league. Agis and his Spartans, as well as the Achæans, burned with the desire of being beforehand with the enemy, and preventing them from again entering Peloponnesus. But nothing could induce the cautious Aratus to quit his stronghold at Corinth; he even let the Spartans return home, and looked calmly on, while the Ætolians invaded Peloponnesus, and took the town of Pellene: but when they were busy in the work of depredation, and little dreaming of an attack, Aratus burst in upon them with his men, and gained a complete victory over the Etolians. This proceeding perfectly accords with the character of Aratus. He was celebrated for his personal courage, which he displayed on many occasions. His military talents are of no mean order, but he is, above all things, a statesman, and this statesman-like nature evinces itself even in war, for he generally gained his victories by treachery, bribes, sudden surprises, and ambuscades. And never was Aratus so harshly and cuttingly reproached with over-cautiousness in his proceedings as in this very year, although the successful result of his management completely silenced all censure. Compare Plut. Arat. 31.

ὁ δ ̓ Αρατος εὐδοκίμησε καὶ περὶ τὰς Αἰτωλικὰς πράξεις· ὅτε συμβαλεῖν μὲν αὐτοῖς πρὸ τῆς Μεγαρικῆς ὡρμημένων τῶν ̓Αχαιών, καὶ τοῦ βασιλέως τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, Αγιδος, ἀφικνουμένου μετὰ δυνάμεως, καὶ συνεξορμῶντος ἐπὶ τὴν μάχην τοὺς ̓Αχαιούς, ἐναντιωθεὶς, καὶ πολλὰ μὲν ὀνείδη, πολλὰ δ ̓ εἰς μαλακίαν καὶ ἀτολμίαν σκώμματα καὶ χλευασμὸν ὑπομείνας, οὐ προήκατο τὸν τοῦ συμφέροντος λογισμὸν διὰ τὸ φαινόμevov aioxpóv: compare also Droysen, vol. 11. p. 389, foll. This passage furnishes us with a complete commentary on Babrius's fable, which indeed is in itself nothing more than a defence of Aratus against the reproaches with which he was assailed on all sides. We may even assume that the fable was composed in the summer of the year 241, i.e. before the battle of Pellene, since after that event such a defence would have been out of place; and then, at least, the poet must have shewn in his fable how the general's caution was justified by the result. And we need not be surprised that Babrius undertakes to vindicate Aratus; for King Alexander, in the latter part of his life, had been upon friendly terms with the Achæans, and Aratus was always the implacable enemy of the Macedonians, by whom Nicæa had been so shamefully deceived.

As this fable of Babrius can be rightly viewed only by means of the above-stated historical fact, so, on the other hand, the fable itself throws some light on the real events of the time. We perceive from Babrius that it was chiefly the condition of the Achæan army which obliged Aratus to use such caution; for the army of the league evidently consisted, for the most part, of mercenaries. In Babrius, the names of the dogs are surely not chosen by accident, but distinctly mark the principal classes of mercenaries. Acarnanians, as well as Dolopians and Molossians, may have served in great numbers under the Achæan banners, in order to continue the struggle with their mortal enemies the Etolians, who had divided the unfortunate and ill-used Acarnania with Epirus. Thracians are everywhere found as mercenary troops, and we must not be surprised to meet with even Cretans and Cypriots in the Achæan army, when we consider the state of warfare in those times. The two federative leagues, which then exercised powerful influence upon the history of Greece, are in this point, as in so many others, diametrically opposed to each other; for the federative principle, which then first acquired an independent

development in Greece, alongside of the monarchical principle, became realized in both the confederations, in an essentially different manner. The Achæan league, in its internal arrangement, is founded upon the idea of the equal rights of the individual states; and this is its chief strength; its external policy is built rather upon a refined diplomacy than on military power, its armed force was evidently not in a particularly good condition 21. The cavalry, especially, which should have formed the main strength of the army, and in which the Achæans themselves specially served, was now in a completely disorganized and undisciplined condition. Here, again, the misconduct of the recruits continually increased, and the hipparchs, who only sought to gain popularity, connived at every abuse. The circumstances of the Ætolian league were altogether different; it was internally wanting in that honest unity by which each town preserved its independence; for besides certain dominating towns, which formed the nucleus of the league, we meet with others which were tributary and subordinate, and others again which were more like allies, and, in short, a great variety of relations; all this, however, in a rough, undeveloped state, and not pervaded by any leading idea. For this very reason, however, the Ætolian league presented a more powerful and formidable aspect from without, since its policy was founded essentially upon its military force. Thus the Ætolian army formed a compact, well-ordered, and, to a certain degree, well-disciplined body of men, who were always ready to execute the commands of the council [árókλnTo], and spread terror through the whole of Greece by their predatory excursions. The fabulist Babrius gives us a glimpse of this state of things; and as the fable can be clearly illustrated only by means of history, so also, on its side, does it contribute to the proper understanding of historical circumstances.

Marburg, Jan. 15, 1845.

21 Compare the description in Plut. Arat. 47, which indeed belongs to a somewhat later period, but implies a long degeneration and decline of military discipline. Τελευτήσαντος δ ̓ ̓Αντιγόνου, καταφρονήσαντες Αἰτωλοὶ τῶν ̓Αχαιῶν διὰ τὴν ῥᾳθυμίαν, (ἐθισθέντες γὰρ ἀλλοτρίαις σώζεσθαι χερσὶ, καὶ τοῖς Μαθ κεδόνων ὅπλοις αὐτοὺς ὑπεσταλκότες


ἐν ἀγρίᾳ πολλῇ καὶ ἀταξίᾳ διῆγον,) ἐπέθεντο τοῖς κατὰ Πελοπόννησον рáyμaoi and further, of Aratus: Kai συναγαγὼν τοὺς ̓Αχαιούς, τοῖς τε σώμασιν ἀγυμνάστους ὄντας, καὶ ταῖς διανοίαις ἐκλελυμένους πρός τε πόλεμον, ἡττᾶται περὶ Καφύας.

22 Compare Polyb. x. 25, Plut. Phi

lop, 7.




CŒLE-SYRIA proper is still, and has been from the most ancient times, called the Bekaa, "the valley;" it is so denominated by Joshua, who calls it "the valley of Lebanon," juaɔ̃n nypa (x1. 17, xii. 7); and by the prophet Amos (1.5),

nypa. It is situated between the two ridges of mountains Libanus and Anti-Libanus; it is about two leagues and a half in breadth1. Its name Bekaa, is, by some writers, incorrectly, through ignorance of the Hebrew language, derived from *, a shrub so called, or probably the mulberry-tree. In Psalm LXXXIV. 7 is the expression 3 pay, "the valley of Baca," or, "of the mulberry-tree," or, "of weeping," deriving it from ɔɔ, flevit. But this is quite different from the Hebrew word nypa, by which "the valley" between Lebanon and AntiLebanon is specially denominated.

In the northern part of this valley is situated the ancient Heliopolis of Syria, so called by the Greek writers, from its having, as the city of the same name in Egypt, a temple dedicated to the worship of the Sun. The present name of the city is Baalbec, so celebrated for its splendid architectural remains, particularly the magnificent ruins of the Temple of the Sun. I shall shew that the meaning of the word Baalbec is, "the

1 Travels of Lieut. Col. Squire, Mod. Traveller, Syria, p. 158. "This plain extends in length from Baalbec almost to the sea, and its breadth from Libanus to Anti-Libanus appears to be, in few places less than two leagues, or more than four.” (Maundrell.) Strabo says, Δύο δὲ ἐστὶν ὄρη τὰ ποιοῦντα τὴν κοίλην καλουμένην Συρίαν, ὡς ἂν παράλληλα, ό,τε Λίβανος καὶ ὁ ̓Αντιλίβανος.

In other passages, however, he represents Cole-Syria as vastly more extensive, but says, that the region properly so called is that between the two chains of mountains: ἅπασα μὲν οὖν ὑπὲρ τῆς Σελευκίδος, ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον καὶ τὴν ̓Αραβίαν ἀνίσχουσα χώρα, Κοιλησυρία καλεῖται· ἰδίως δ ̓ ἡ τῷ Λιβάνῳ καὶ τῷ ̓Αντιλιβάνῳ ἀφορισμένη. (κνι.)

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temple of the sun of the valley;" and that the expression in Amos, nуpa, (1. 5), means "the valley of the temple of the sun." In our authorized version, the words of Amos are translated "the plain of Aven;" the word being read 1, Aven, according to the Masoretic punctuation; but in the Septuagint the translation is Qv: the authors of that version having read the Hebrew word is On, as in Gen. XLI. 45. 50, where mention is made of Joseph having married the daughter of the priest of On, is 2, which the Septuagint translate iɛpéws 'HALOVTÓλεwÇ. In Exod. 1. 11, the Septuagint mention On as one of the cities built by the Israelites—καὶ 'Ων ἡ ἐστὶν ΗλιούToλis, but there are no corresponding words in the Hebrew. ἂν ἐστὶν Ηλιούπολις ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ, says Eusebius (Onomast. Urb. et Loc. Sac. Scrip.) Herodotus speaks of the religious festivals celebrated at Heliopolis in Egypt, in honour of the Sun: πανηγύρις . . . ἐς Ηλιούπολιν τῷ Ἡλίῳ (II. 59). Strabo (11. mentions the temple of the Sun which he had seen there: ἐνταῦθα δ ̓ ἐστὶν ἡ τοῦ ἡλίου πόλις . . . τὸ ἱερὸν ἔχουσα τοῦ ἡλίου, (xvII. p. 805) The word 8 in Amos is, by some of the ancient interpreters, following the Masoretic punctuation, translated inutile, iniquitas, and, by Vitringa, vanitas. "Vallem illustrem inter Libanum et Antilibanum mediam quæ hoc tempore Bocat (so called by Maundrell) dicatur, eadem haud dubie quæ Amoso nypa, vallis vanitatis." (Comment. in Jesaiam, pars 1. p. 497.) Following the Masoretic punctuation, the words may be translated "the valley of falsehood, or of idols." But if we follow the Septuagint, we shall translate them, "the valley of the temple of the sun;" and this perfectly accords with the name given to the chief town in the valley, Baalbec,

,בקעת בעל and בקעת און ",the temple of the sun of the valley “

that is, "the valley of On," and, "the valley of Baal," being exactly synonymous expressions. Baal and On are both titles of the Sun. Cyril, in his Comment. on Hosea, says, "v d'orì παρ' αὐτοῖς (the Egyptians) ὁ ἥλιος. “ Baal is a Babylonish ó title appropriated to the Sun, and made use of particularly in Syria and Canaan." (Bryant's Mythol. Vol. 1. p. 54; and

2 Strabo says that the city was, in his time, totally desolate, and that the temple retained many marks of the madness and sacrilege of Cambyses: vvvì μèv ovv ἐστι πανέρημος ἡ πόλις, τὸ ἱερὸν ἔχουσα

τῷ Αἰγυπτίῳ τρόπῳ κατεσκευασμένον ἀρχαῖον, ἔχον πολλὰ τεκμήρια τῆς Καμβύσου μανίας καὶ ἱεροσυλίας. (p. 805.)

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