1762.

CONTINENTAL POLICY.

*

79

Austrian alliance, and attached himself zealously to the cause of the Prussian monarch. Sweden had become neutral. On the other hand, England was engaged with a new and powerful enemy; and in compliance with the positive obligation of treaty, as above mentioned, had been called upon to aid her ancient ally, Portugal, with money and arms, to a very great extent.* It was undoubtedly competent to this country at any time to discontinue those subsidiary treaties which she had annually concluded with Prussia, ever since the commencement of the war; and, however binding the terms of these treaties might be in respect of alliance, they imported no engagement to grant pecuniary aid beyond the obligation specifically incurred in each particular year. And even as to the compact of alliance, it would have been absurd to construe the language in which that compact was created, in its strictly literal sense; for if neither party was to be at liberty to conclude any treaty of peace, truce or neutrality,' without the concurrence of the other, the wilfulness or particular interest of either might keep the war alive as long as he pleased. A treaty is to be interpreted, like every other contract, in a reasonable sense. But though the English Government was bound by public faith not to entertain the proposition for neutrality in the German war, unless Prussia had been a party to the negotiation, the continuance of the subsidy was entirely an open question.

* See Bute's letter to Mitchell, of May 26, 1762. Bute, though incapable of coming up to Pitt's bold and statesmanlike counsel of immediate war with Spain, on the discovery of the Family Compact, differed strongly from the Duke of Bedford, who urged an immediate conclusion of peace; and, in his answer to Bubb Dodington's congratulations on

the retirement of Pitt, he says that he will be a party to such a peace only as the country had a right to expect from her victorious position; and he alludes, with becoming spirit, to the infamous prevarications of our most treacherous enemy.' He did not afterwards, however, adhere to this bold resolution.

80

Consequences of the Prussian alliance.

ALLIANCE WITH PRUSSIA.

CH. II.

The alliance of this country with Frederick was obviously of an occasional and selfish character. We found him engaged in a war provoked by himself, and in its commencement hostile to British interests as far as they were affected by Hanoverian connections. His own petulance had alone prevented that alliance with the French, which it was his obvious policy to cultivate. The Convention of 1756, which was the only engagement subsisting between Great Britain and Prussia, merely bound the two powers to resist the entrance of foreign troops into Germany during the continuance of the American war; the object of Great Britain being to protect Hanover from France, and of Frederick to guard his dominions against the invasion of Russia. England had amply fulfilled her part of this compact by the military contingent which she had placed at the disposal of the Prussian monarch, as well as by, the other succours she had rendered him in the shape of subsidies and muniments of war. During the entire length of the Seven Years' War, an army in the pay of England had kept the French so well employed that, except in the short interval between the Convention of Closterseven, and the return of Pitt to power, when Frederick fought the great battle of Rosbach, he never encountered a French army. And it is to be observed that, loudly as he inveighed against the treaty of Closterseven, as exposing him to utter destruction, the Prussian monarch never impugned it as a breach of faith.

Engagements

The war in America being at an end, the terms of the Convention of 1756 would have been with Prussia. literally satisfied, whatever the circumstances in which the departure of the British forces from Germany might have left the King of Prussia. And it can hardly be questioned that the spirit of that treaty would have been sufficiently consulted by stipulating at the same time for the withdrawal of

1762.

NEWCASTLE'S POSITION.

81

the French army. It is true that Frederick would be left in a desperate condition; but it did not appear that his position could be amended by the maintenance of the war between France and England on the soil of Germany: he would still be left, as heretofore, to maintain an unequal conflict with the united power of Austria and Russia. The result of that conflict was a matter of no great moment to this country, which was but little, concerned in preserving the integrity of Prussia. It might, indeed, have been agreeable to a sentiment of chivalrous. generosity not to desert a gallant ally in his struggle with an overwhelming force; but to expend blood and treasure in such a cause was certainly not consistent with those sound maxims of policy, which alone ought to guide the conduct of a great nation.

indignity.

The Duke of Newcastle, however, availed himself of this occasion to anticipate the last in- Newcastle dignity which remained to be offered to treated with him in a dismissal from office. Every slight, short of positive contumely, had been heaped upon him since the commencement of the new reign. Nominally prime minister, he had never been consulted upon any point of policy. Even Pitt had thought it necessary to go through the form, at least, of taking the opinion of his colleague upon the measures which he adopted. But he had left to the First Lord of the Treasury the entire control of that department of administration with which he was perfectly familiar, and in which he took the greatest delight. The whole of the ordinary patronage of the Government was dispensed by Newcastle. important art of 'gratifying' members of Parliament and distributing places was unknown to the Leader of the House of Commons. But it was quite incompatible with the designs of the Earl of Bute that this arrangement should continue. Pitt had been removed from the direction of the State; but

The

82

NEWCASTLE'S RESIGNATION.

CH. II.

the object of the Court was only half accomplished while Newcastle had the management of that great engine of corruption by means of which the King's government was, in those days, carried on. This province, which Newcastle had jealously retained in his own hands, through the successive changes of administrations since the time when he refused to admit his brother, Pelham, though chief minister in the Lower House, to any share in it, was now rudely invaded. Boroughs were disposed of, places were given away without his knowledge, or in opposition to his wishes. His complaints were unheeded; and his recommendations were met with significant hints that power had passed into other hands. Convinced at length that such was the fact, Newcastle prepared for the dreaded hour of resignation. The opportunity which he chose was at least decent and consistent. He had always supported the German subsidies, and if they were to be withdrawn, it might be argued that the time was not very well chosen, when another great European power had joined the alliance of the enemy. No part, indeed, of the Duke of Newcastle's public life became him so much as his retirement from it. He had trafficked more largely in jobbing and corruption than any minister before or since; yet, as far as he was personally concerned, his hands were as clean as those of that spotless colleague, who was somewhat too fond of vaunting their purity. Not only was

Newcastle resigns.

the whole of his own official emolument thus expended in the public service, but the greater part of his private fortune had been lavished in the same way. We learn from competent authority* that a landed estate worth twenty-five thousand pounds a year was reduced to the value of six thousand at his

* Symmers to Mitchell, De- MSS. Chatham Correspondcember 31, 1762. -Mitchell

ence.

1762. BUTE AT THE HEAD OF THE GOVERNMENT.

83

final retirement from office; but when the King, on that occasion, referred to the pecuniary sacrifices which he had made to the house of Hanover, and offered him a pension, the Duke replied with dignity, that he was sufficiently rewarded by His Majesty's acknowledgment of his services, and begged leave to decline any compensation.

Bute, being thus wholly released from those connections which had repressed his giddy Earl of Bute's ambition, immediately placed himself at conduct. the head of the Government, and still more to disgust public opinion, always adverse to the sudden exaltation even of distinguished merit, he accepted the blue ribbon of the Garter, which, if not always conferred upon those most deserving, is esteemed the highest personal honour which the Crown has to bestow. Grenville was appointed Secretary of State, and Sir Francis Dashwood was made Chancellor of the Exchequer. The great ability and experience of Walpole, backed by the unbounded confidence of the Crown, and by the staunch adherents of the Revolution settlement, were unable to withstand that opposition which had been created by his arrogance of power. But the Court favour which Walpole enjoyed was founded entirely upon his merit as a public servant; that of Bute had no other origin than royal caprice. There had been no royal favourite thrust into State affairs since the ill-omened precedent of George Villiers; and Bute had none of the brilliant qualities which dazzled the people in the person of Buckingham. There was another serious objection to this Lord of the Bedchamber; he was a Scotchman; and the prejudice of race, which has hardly disappeared even in these liberal and enlightened days, was at that time strongly prevalent; and the presumptuous upstart was perhaps more frequently and bitterly reviled for his birth than for his many real demerits.