MEMOIR OF THE RIGHT HON. GEORGE CANNING. THE subject of this Memoir was descended from an ancient family, which originally resided in Warwickshire, but in consequence of having, in the reign of Elizabeth, received a grant of land in the county of Londonderry, afterwards settled in Ireland. Stratford Canning, Esq. the father of the late lamented Premier, left his native country at an early age, to proscute the study of the law in London. His genius for political discussion appeared very promising; and there can be little doubt that he would have risen to considerable eminence as a lawyer, had he not been compelled, by youthful imprudence, to quit that profession. Having married a young lady, who, although highly accomplished in other respects, was destitute of the advantages of either fortune or family, he incurred his father's displeasure, and his income was on that account considerably reduced. In these bly permanent kind, must have had a considerable influence on the future character and opinions of Mr Canning. But the circumstance which it might have been expected would have materially affected his sentiments at such an early age, was his intimate acquaintance with Mr Sheridan. From his connection with that eminent man, and his frequent opportunities of intercourse with him, Mr Canning early conceived a high respect for Sheridan, which he has been often heard to express. In these circumstances, it was generally supposed, that he would dedicate his talents and exertions to the support of that political party, of which his early patron and friend was at that time a distinguished ornament. At no period indeed, in the history of the British Parliament, has the Opposition been able to boast of men superior in intellectual might to Fox, Burke, and Sheridan. By habitual intercourse with these men, the youthful mind of Canning imbibed those principles which, at a later period in his political career, were fully displayed. The cause of the change which is alleged to have taken place in his political sentiments, has been, with some writers, the subject of considerable speculation; but it is at best a doubtful question, whether the opinions of Mr Canning ever underwent any material alteration. He was early connected by friendship, it is true, with the leaders of the Opposition; but even then he appears to have approved, to a certain extent, of the measures of Mr Pitt, to whose acquaintance he had been introduced by Mr Jenkinson. It was under the patronage of Pitt, that he entered Parliament in 1793; and though it was his evident anxiety to follow in the steps of that great man, his opinions were somewhat moderated by the sentiments he had been accustomed to hear at the table of Sheridan. His Toryism was never altogether free from a mixture of liberality; and although circumstances, through the greater part of his life, prevented him from developing his principles in their full extent, yet, with his increasing influence in the cabinet they were gradually unfolded, and at length, on his appointment to the Premiership, brought into free and unfettered operation. On the introduction of Mr Canning to Parlia ment, the state of political affairs in Europe was peculiarly favourable for the display of his eminent talents, both as an orator and statesman. The ancient monarchy of France had been overturned, and those deeds of atrocity and violence had begun to be perpetrated, the very recollection of which shocks the feelings of humanity. Elated by the success with which their revolutionary efforts had been crowned, the French Convention issued a proclamation on the 19th November 1792, en couraging "All who wished to procure liberty; and they charged their generals to give assistance to such people, and to defend such citizens as have suffered, or are suffering in the cause of liberty." It was the obvious wish of the Convention, in pub. lishing this manifesto, to excite throughout Europe the same revolutionary spirit which had already deluged the cities and villages of France with the blood of thousands of peaceful citizens. For some time the British government, though appalled by the horrid deeds of blood of which the French people had been guilty, declared its intention of preserving, in the mean time, a strict neutrality. In the end of 1792, the British Parliament met; and in the opening address, his Majesty announced that, from the attempts which the French had of late made to excite rebellion in other countries, and from the unjust measures which they had threatened to adopt towards his allies the States-General, he had judged it necessary to augment both the civil and military force of the country. Scarcely a month had elapsed from the time that the French Convention had avowed their design of attacking Holland, when a French frigate, with several smaller vessels, sailed up the Scheldt, for the purpose of bombarding Antwerp. To appease the British Government, the French Ambas sador, who, although his functions had ceased, by the deposition of his sovereign, on the 10th August 1792, was permitted to remain in London, was authorized to declare to the English Minister the earnest desire of the French Government that the friendly connection of the two nations should be preserved. The Ambassador attempted, at the same time, to give a restricted meaning to the decree of the 19th November, and denied all intention, on the part of France, to invade Holland, if that country preserved her neutrality. To this declaration the reply of the British Minister was explicit. He observed, that the conduct of the French Government, in encouraging secret societies in Great Britain, completely belied the explanation which had been attempted to be given of the obnoxious decree; and that the declaration in regard to Holland could not be relied upon. The whole tenor, in short, of the answer returned by the British Government, seemed to indicate their |