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On Monday, February 1, was published,

To be continued Monthly, Price One Shilling and Six Pence,



Containing, in an increased Number of Sheets, proportioned to its Price, the
following Articles:

Biographia Britannica, Vol. IV.-Bourgoanne's Travels in Spain.-
Madan's Tranflation of Juvenal and Perfius.-Wakefield's Silva Cri-
tica.-Burney's Hiftory of Mufic. - Queen Elizabeth's Progreffes.-
Ivloral and Philofophical Eftimates of the State and Faculties of Man.-
Accounts and Extracts of the MSS. in the French King's Library.—Ar-
thur's Sabbath Evening Lectures.-Gabriel's Facts relating to White's
Bampton Lectures.-Letter to Gabriel in Anfwer to the Facts.-An
Appeal to the University of Oxford, relating to White's Bampton Lec-
tures.-Price's Difcourfe on the Love of our Country.-Jones's Ser-
mon.-Thoughts on the State of the Nation.-Phillip's Voyage to Bo-
tany-Bay.-Gilbert's Voyage from New South Wales to Canton.-
With Foreign Article, Foreign Literary Intelligence, and a large
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London, Printed for A. HAMILTON, Falcon-court, Fleet-ftreet, and
G. G. J. and J. ROBINSON, Paternofter-Row.

Of whom may be had any of the preceding Numbers.



For JULY, 1789.

Original Letters, written during the Reigns of Henry VI. Edward IV. and Richard III. by various Perfons of Rank or Confequence. Digefted in Chronological Order; with Notes, Hiftorical and Explanatory; and authenticated by Engravings of Autographs, Fac Similies, Paper Marks, and Seals. By Sir John Fenn, Knight, M. A. and F. A. S. Vols. III. and IV. 4to. 21. 25. in Boards. Robinsons.


N our former account of the two first volumes (Crit. Rev. vol. LXIII. p. 454.) we mentioned fir John Fenn's defign of publishing a Selection of Letters and Papers, written during the reigns of Henry VI. Edward IV. and Richard III. This is now executed with the fame elegance, the fame care, and ornaments by no means inferior. In reality, we perceive the manners of that æra delineated with no lefs fpirit than fidelity. Letters written in the moment of the transactions describe the feelings with undiminished force; and in familiar ones, the mind feeks for no palliation, and is not reftrained by thofe ideas of decorum which influence the language in more public fituations. The period too in which these Letters were written is one that is little understood; for amidst the clamour of contending zealots, the picture is coloured only with the brightest or the darkest hue; and, if a few characters rife above the fury of faction, we generally find that what cannot be destroyed is leffened, and what party cannot blot it will attempt to fully. In this continuation the Letters are either of a public or of a private nature; either fubfervient to hiftory, in its minuter and lefs important objects, the delineation of character; or ufeful, as they illuftrate the mode of life and manners of that period. The first paper which occurs of the former kind is very interesting. Warwick, the governor of Henry the Sixth, was in a dangerous fituation. The young king had two uncles, able, politic, and ambitious His office was fcarcely limited; and his conduct was exposed to the misrepresentation of difappointment, or the mistakes of ignorance. He wifhed to have his duty more ftrictly defined; and his reprefentations on that fubject show his VOL. LXVIII. July, 1789. B caution,

caution, his good fenfe, and his judgment. The questions are referred to the council.

Item, the faid earl defireth that where he fhall have any perfon in his difcretion fufpe&t [fuffected] of mifgovernance, and not behoveful nor expedient to be about the king, except the eftates of the house, that he may put them from exercile and occupation of the king's fervice, till that he fhall mowe have fpeech with my lord of Bedford, of Gloucester, and with the other lords of the king's council, to that end that the default of any fuch perfon known unto him fall mowe ordain thereupon as them [they] fhall think expedient and behoveful.


Anfwer, it is agreed as it is defired.

Item, the faid earl defireth, that forafinuch as it fhall be neceffary to remove the king's perfon at divers times into fundry places as the cafes may require, that he may have power and authority to remove the king by his difcretion into what place him [be] thinketh neceffary for the health of his body and furety of his perfon.

'Anfwer, it is agreed as it is defired.

Item, to the intent that it may be known to the king that it proccedeth of the affent, advice, and agreement, of my lord of Gloucester, and all my lords of the king's council, that the king be chaftifed for his defaults or trefpafies, and that for awe thereof he forbear the more to do amifs, and intend the more bufily to virtue and to learning; the faid earl defireth that my lord of Gloucefter, and my faid other lords of the council, or great part of them, that is to fay, the chancellor, and treasurer, and of everych [every] eftate in the council fpiritual and temporal fome come to the king's prefence, and there to make to be declared to him their agreement in that behalf.

• Answer. When the king cometh next to London, all his council fhall come to his prefence, and there this fhall be declared to him.

Item, the faid earl, that all his days hath above all other earthly things defired, and ever fhall, to keep his truth and worship unblemished and unhurt, and may not for all that let [prevent] inalicious and untrue men to make informations of his perfon, fuch as they may not, nor dare not ftand by, nor be not true; befeecheth therefore my lord of Gloucester, and all my faid lords of the council, that if they or any of them have been informed of any thing that may be or found to his charge or default, and namely in his occupation and rule about the king's perfon, that the faid earl may have knowledge thereof, to the intent that he may answer thereto, and not dwell in heavy or finifter conceit or opinion without his defert, and without answer.

Anfwer, it is agreed.'

The curious original articles of impeachment against the duke

of Suffolk are alfo inferted. The duke of Norfolk's accufation of the earl of Somerset is found too in this collection.

At this period we find complaints of the partiality of judges, sheriffs, and juries, circumftances with which we are happily unacquainted. Even chief juftice Pafton, who, for his equity, was styled the good judge, is arraigned of having received retaining fees; and a petition is preferred against him to parliament on this account. Juftice Yelverton writes almoft in the style of a retainer to fir John Faftolfe. Members of parliament were chosen without their appearance; and yet, from more than one letter, it feems, that instead of burthening them with a laborious and expensive office, the sheriff, in his return, seems to confer a benefit on them. On the other hand, the earl of Oxford writes to the fheriff of Norfolk to prevent him from quashing the indictments against some of those who were concerned in Cade's rebellion, which it was expected that he would have done. Many other evidences of partiality in judges, and inftances of procuring verdicts, by the more powerful nobles appearing in court with a train of armed men, occur in thefe volumes. It is highly creditable to the earl of Oxford, who in his former let. ter expreffes his wish to eafe the commons, that in a future one, after ftating fome circumstances to the chief juftice, relative to his tenants, he requests him to impannel a jury, and that they be directed to do as confcience will, and to efchew perjury.' The lord Scales, in a more private tranfaction, proceeds with equal honour and difinterestedness. Some cattle on his eftate had been impounded; he requests that they may be fet free, and that a day may be fixed for a reference, where any damage that law or reafon may affign fhall be paid. But this moderation, this forbearance, and this attention to equity or law, are not very common in these times: power was often in the place of right, and a violent seizure fuperseded a more exact enquiry. The old buildings, fecured by draw-bridges and moats, had not always thefe diftinctions for fear of the enemies of the country alone.

As the judge refided on the eastern fide of Norfolk, we find piratical depredations not uncommon, and at that period the national marine was not very powerful. Ships were victualled by a kind of voluntary fubfcription, when defigned to fecure the coaft against thefe temporary attacks, or for the more general service of the nation. The subscriptions were paid in money, in corn, in ftores, or in other provifion, according to the inclination of the fubscribers.

In the next reign, during the convulfions which attended the feizure of the crown by Edward the Fourth, every act of violence was more frequent, and perfonal fecurity was fometimes B 2 obtained

obtained only by a conftant force ready to repel attacks. Edward's journey through the kingdom, which was undertaken with a view to conciliate men's minds to his government, is well described in the letters before us; and the observations of the king, when applied to, fhow much moderation, judgment, and good fenfe. The warrant granted by him to an individual to levy arms is preserved; and an order for full payment of expences to fome of his followers, is alfo inferted: if the latter be referred to the era of the temporary reftitution of Henry, for the date is doubtful, it is equally curious. It is hinted in the notes, and fome fupport is found in different paffages of the Letters, that the animofity between individuals, from the contefts of York and Lancaster, were not very lafting. Of the conduct of the wars we have no account; but, in a private conteft, the fiege of Caifter affords fome curious circumftances. Caifter was in the poffeffion of fir John Pafton, as executor to fir John Faftolfe; but this castle had been bought by the duke of Norfolk, at a time when the feller poffeffed no right of conveying it. The castle was confequently retained; and the duke, according to the fummary mode of redreffing grievances then employed, befieged it with three thousand men. He took it, or at least it capitulated on terms, after a brave defence. The defender, however, the brother of fir John Pafton, was in great danger, in confequence of an appeal, from the widows of two men killed by the defenders. He would have been tried for murder, if it had not been for a circumftance equally fingular in our eyes. The duke brought one of the widows to London, and perfuaded her to become his waive, or vaffal, for one year, by which he feems to have acquired a right to profecute the appeal for her. The ftroke was warded off during the first year; and in the fecond, instead of again courting the protection of the duke, fhe chofe that of another husband, and the appeal was no more heard of. In the preparation for that fiege four foldiers were recommended to John Pafton, and our readers will probably be pleafed with feeing their qualifications.

Right well beloved brother, I commend me to you, letting you weet that I have waged for to help you and Dawbency to keep the place at Caifter, four well affured and true men to do all manner of thing what that they be defired to do in fafeguard, or inforcing (ftrengthening) of the faid place; and moreover they be proved men, and cunning (expert) in the war, and in feats of arms, and they can well fhoot both guns and crossbows, and amend and string them, and devife bulwarks, or any things that fhould be a ftrength to the place, and they will as need is, keep watch and waid, they be fad (ferious) and well advised men, faving one of them, which is balled (bald), and called William Peny, which is as good a man as goeth on the



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