of the ancient government of a great country, and of all its laws, orders, and religion, by the corruption of mercenary armies, and by the seduction of a multitude bribed by confiscation to sedition, in defiance of the sense, and to the entire destruction of almost the whole proprietary body of the nation. The fatal effects of this example must be felt in every country. New means, new arms, new pretexts, are furnished to ambition; and new persons are intoxicated with that poison.

8th. Because our eagerness in suing for peace may induce the persons exercising power in France erroneously to believe, that we act from necessity, and are unable to continue the war; a persuasion which, in the event of an actual peace, will operate as a temptation to them to renew that conduct which brought on the present war, neither shall we have any of the usual securities in peace. In their treaties they do not acknowledge the obligation of that law, which for ages has been common to all Europe. They have not the same sentiments nor the same ideas of their interest in the conservation of peace, which have hitherto influenced all regular governments; they do not in the same manner feel public distress, or the private misery of their subjects; they will not find the same difficulty on the commencement of a new war to call their whole force into sudden action, where, by the law, every citizen is a soldier, and the person and properties of all are liable at once to arbitrary requisitions. On the other hand, no attempt has been made to shew in what manner, whether by alliances, by force, military or naval, or by the improvement and augmentation of

our finances, we shall be better able to resist their hostile attempts, after the peace, than at the present hour. If we remain armed, we cannot reap the ordinary advantage of peace in economy; if we dis arm, we shall be subject to be driven into a new war, under every circumstance of disadvantage, unless we now prepare ourselves to suffer with patience and submission whatever insults, indignities, and injuries, we may receive from that insolent, domineering, and unjust power.

9th. Because the inability of humbling ourselves again to solicit peace, in a manner, which is a recognition of the French republic, contrary to all the principles of war, the danger of peace if ob tained, the improbability of its duration, and the perseverance of the enemy throughout the interval of peace in their mischievous system, is not conjecture, but cer tainty. It has been avowed by the actual governors of France, at the very moment when they had before them our application for a passport. They chose that moment for pub lishing a state paper, breathing the most hostile mind. In it they stimu late and goad us by language the most opprobrious and offensive. They frankly tell us, that it is not our interest to desire peace, for that they regard peace only as the opportunity of preparing fresh means for the annihilation of our naval power. By making peace they do not conceal that it will be their object-" to wrest from us our maritime preponderancy-to re-establish what they invidiously call the freedom of the seas; to give a new impulse to the Spanish, Dutch, and French marines; and to carry to the highest degree of prosperity

prosperity the industry and commerce of those nations," which they state to be our rivals, which they charge us with "unjustly attacking, when we can no longer dupe," and which they throughout contemplate as their own dependencies, united in arms, and furnishing resources for our future humiliation and destruction. They resort to that well known and constant allusion of their's to ancient history, by which representing "France as modern Rome, and England as modern Carthage," they accuse us of national perfidy, and hold England up," as an object to be blotted out from the face of the earth." They falsely assert that the English nation supports with impatience the continuance of the war, and has extorted all his Majesty's overtures for peace "by complaints and reproaches ;" and, above all, not only in that passage, but throughout their official note, they shew the most marked adherence to that insidious and intolerable policy of their system, by which they, from the commencement of the revolution, sought to trouble and subvert all the governments in Europe. They studiously disjoin the English nation from its sovereign.

10th. Because, having acted throughout the course of this awful and momentous crisis upon the principles herein expressed, and after having, on the present occasion, not only fully reconsidered, and jealously examined their soundness and validity, but gravely attended to, and scrupulously weighed the merits of all those arguments which have been offered to induce a dereliction of them, conscientiously adhering to, and

Message from his Majesty to the House of Lords 12th Dec. 1796. George R.

HIS majesty is concerned to açquaint the house of lords that his endeavours to preserve peace with Spain, and to adjust all matters in discussion with that court by an amicable negotiation, have been rendered ineffectual by an abrupt and unprovoked declaration of war on the part of the Catholic king.

His majesty, at the same time that he sincerely laments this addition to the calamities of war, already extended over so great a part of Europe, has the satisfaction to reflect that nothing has been omitted on his part which could contribute to the

maintenance of peace, on grounds consistent with the honour of his crown, and the interest of his dominions; and he trusts, that, under the protection of divine Providence, the firmness and wisdom of his parliament will enable him effectually to repel this unprovoked aggression, and to afford to all Europe an additional proof of the spirit and resources of the British nation.

G. R.

vigorous and effectual prosecution of the war, if the failure of his majesty's earnest endeavours to effect a general peace, on secure and bonourable terms, should unfortunately render another campaign unavoidable. And his majesty will not fail to take the first opportunity to communicate the result of these discussions to the house. In the interval, his majesty conceives that it may be of the greatest importance to the common cause, that his ma jesty should be enabled to continue such temporary advances for he service of the emperor as may be indispensably necessary, with a view to military operations being prosecuted with vigour and effect at an early period; and his majesty recommends it to the house to consider of making such provision as may appear to them to be most expedient for this purpose.

G. R.

Message from his Majesty to the House of Peers, 26th Dec. 1796. George R.

IT is with the utmost concern that his majesty acquaints the house of lords, that his earnest endeavours to effect the restoration of peace have been unhappily frustrated, and that the negotiation in which he has been engaged has been abruptly broken off by the peremptory refusal of the French government to treat, except upon a basis evidently inadmissible, and by their having in consequence required his majesty's plenipotentiary to quit Paris within 48 hours.

His majesty has directed the several memorials and papers which have been exchanged in the course

account transmitted to his majesty of its final result, to be laid before the house.

From these papers, his majesty trusts, it will be proved to the whole world that his conduct has been guided by a sincere desire to effect the restoration of peace on principles suited to the relative situation of the belligerent powers, and essential for the permanent interests of his kingdom, and the general security of Europe: whilst his enemies have advanced pretensions at once inconsistent with those objects, unsupported even on the grounds on which they were professed to rest, and repugnant both to the system established by repeated treaties, and to the prin ciple and practice which have hitherto regulated the intercourse of independant nations.

In this situation his majesty has the consolation of reflecting, that the continuance of the calamites

of war can be imputed only to the unjust and exorbitant views of his enemies; and his majesty looking forward with anxiety to the moment when they may be disposed to act on different principles, places in the mean time the fullest reliance, under the protection of Providence, on the wisdom and firmness of his parliament, on the tried valour of his forces by sea and land, and on the zeal, public spirit, and resources of his kingdoms, for vigorous and effectual support in the prosecution of a contest, which it does not depend on his majesty to terminate, and which involves in it the security and permanent interests of this country, and of Europe.

G. R.

Note,

Note, transmitted to M. Barthelemi by Mr. Wickhman, March 8, 1796.

THE undersigned, his Britannic majesty's minister plenipotentiary to the Swiss Cantons, is authorized to convey to monsieur Barthelemi, the desire of his court to be made acquainted, through him, with the dispositions of France, in regard to the object of a general pacification. He therefore requests mʊnsieur Barthelemi to transmit to him in writing, (and after having made the necessary enquiries) his answer to the following questions: 1. Is there the disposition in France to open a negotiation with his majesty and his allies for the reestablishment of a general peace, upon just and suitable terms, by sending, for that purpose, ministers to a congress, at such place as may hereafter be agreed upon?

2. Would there be the disposition to communicate to the undersigned, the general grounds of a pacification, such as France would be willing to propose; in order that his majesty and his allies might thereupon examine, in concert, whether they are such as might serve as the foundation of a negotiation for peace?

3. Or would there be a desire to propose any other way whatever, for arriving at the same end, that of a general pacification?

The undersigned is authorized to receive from monsieur Barthelemi the answer to these questions, and to transmit to his court: but he is not authorized to enter with him into negociation or discussion upon these subjects.

Berne, March 8, 1796.
Signed)

W. WICKHAM. 2

Note, transmitted to Mr. Wickham, by M. Barthelemi, March 26, 1796.

The undersigned, ambassador of the French republic to the Helve. tic Body, has transmitted to the executive directory the note, which Mr. Wickham, his Britannic majesty's minister plenipotentiary to the Swiss Canton, was pleased to convey to him, dated the 8th of March. He has it in command to answer it by an exposition of the sentiments and dispositions of the executive directory.

The directory ardently desires to procure for the French republic a just, honourable and solid peace. The step token by Mr. Wickham would have afforded to the directory a real satisfaction, if the declaration itself, which that minister makes, of his not having any order, any power to negotiate, did not give room to doubt of the sincerity of the pacific intentions of his court. In fact, if it was true, that England began to know her real interests; that she wished to open again for herself the sources of abundance and prosperity; if she sought for peace with good faith, would she propose a congress, of which the necessary result must be, to render all negociation endless? or would she confine herself to the asking, in a vague manner, that the French government should point out any other way whatever,, for attaining the same object, that of a general pacification?

Is it that this step has had no other object than to obtain for the British government the favourable impression which always accompanies the first overtures for peace? may it not have been accompanied

with

with the hope that they would produce no effect?

However that may be, the executive directory, whose policy has no other guides than openness and good faith, will follow, in its explanations, a conduct which shall be wholly conformable to them. Yielding to the ardent desire by which it is animated, to procure peace for the French republic, and for all nations, it will not fear to declare itself openly. Charged by the constitution with the execution of the laws, it cannot make, or listen to, any proposal that would be contrary to them. The constitutional act does not permit it to consent to any alienation of that, which, according to the existing laws, constitutes the territory of the republic.

With respect to the countries occupied by the French armies, and which have not been united to France, they, as well as other interests, political and commercial, may be come the subject of a negociation, which will present to the directory the means of proving how much it desires to attain speedily to a happy pacification.

Basle, the 6th of Germinal, the 4th year of the French republic, 26th of March, 1796.

(Signed) BARTHELEMI,

Note of observation.-The court of London has received from its minis,

ter in Switzerland, the answer made to the questions which he had been charged to address to monsieur Barthelemi, in respect to the opening of a negociation for the re-esablishment of general tranquillity.

This court has seen, with regret, how far the tone and spirit of that answer, the nature and extent of

the demands which it contains, and the manner of announcing them, are remote from any disposition for peace.

The inadmissible pretension is there avowed, of appropriating to France all that the laws actually existing there may have comprized under the denomination of French territory. To a demand such as this is added an express declaration, that no proposal contrary to it will be made, or even listened to: And this, under the pretence of an internal regulation, the provisions of which are wholly foreign to all other nations.

While these dispositions shall be persisted in, nothing is left for the king but to prosecute a war equally just and necessary.

Whenever his enemies shall manifest more pacific sentiments, his majesty will at all times be eager to concur in them, by lending himself, in concert with his allies, to all such measures as shall be best calculated to re-establish general tranquillity, on conditions just, honourable and permanent, either by the establishment of a congress, which has been so often, and so happily, the means of restoring peace to Europe; or by a preliminary discussion of the principles which may be proposed, on either side, as a foundation of a general pacification; or, lastly, by an impartial examination of any other way which may be pointed out to him for arriving at the same salutary end.

Downing-street, April 10, 1796.

Explanatory Article, framed by the Commissioners for carrying into effect the Treaty between Great Britain and America.

WHEREAS