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shall require it, to suppress every act of insubordination or violence; to cause the legitimate authority to be respected, and the free and impartial administration of justice and the laws.
2. A full and entire abrogation of all the sentences pronounced by the revolutionary tribunals, and the sincere and loyal abjuration of all public and personal vengeance passed against any individual whatever. Such persons so proscribed, may rest assured of an inviolable asylum in the bosom of the union of all the citizens, for which we now labour, and of which we shall give an example-This surely shall be pronounced by the nation, as the first article of the preliminaries upon which that union shall
3. A sincere mutual return, and inviolable attachment of both parties thus united in the three fundamental principles, already consecrated by our primitive laws, and the present constitution; namely, political equality, removal from public offices, and the separation of powers.
4. The citizens who have hitherto expressed a dislike to the revolution of 1792, declare, "That with respect to the new legislation, now in a state of formation, they will confine themselves in demanding that a more moderate application should be made, with respect to the removal from office, and the separation of the powers, than that which exists at present; also the re-establishment of the forms of our ancient government, which are not incompatible with the three fundamental principles announced above. The citi. aens attached to the revolution of
1792, acknowledge that these demands accord with the true inte rests of the republic, and receive that declaration with pleasure; they consider it as inviolable and sacred, and declare, on their part, that they will formally adhere to it.
5. The assembly decree, that this address shall be printed, made public, and sent to the syndics and administrative council, desiring, that, in their wisdom, they will incessantly consider of the means adapted to the public interest, and of solemnly consecrating the reciprocal engagements contained therein. (Signed)
L. A. CONSTANTINE.
Geneva, 31, August, 1795,
Extract from the registers of the administrative council.-Monday, August 31, 1795, fourth year of the Genevese equality.
Official Note of Count Bernstorff,
Danish Minister of State.
THE system of his Danish Majesty, uninfluenced by passions and prejudices, is merely governed by reason and truth,andconstantly such modifications are adopted as are rendered both just and unavoidable by the obvious change in the posture of public affairs. So long as no other than a revolutionary government existed in France, his majesty could not acknowledge the minister of that government; but now that the French constitution is completely organized, and a regular government established in France, his majesty's obligation ceases in that respect, and M. Grouvelle will therefore be acknowledged in the usual form. For the rest, this step
remains an isolated measure, be ing neither more nor less than the natural consequence of circumstances, and an additional proof of the complete and truly impartial neutrality of the king. February, 1796.
Citizen Grouvelle, Minister Plenipo. tentiary from the French Republic in Denmark, to his Excellency Count de Bernstorff, Minister of the Council of State to his Danish Majesty, and of the Department for Foreign Affairs.
Copenhagen, 27th Ventose, 4th Year of the Republic. THE German papers, sir, have inserted the extract of an instruction, which appears to have been addressed in a circular manner by you to the ministers of Denmark, at the different courts, and which concerns the resolutions adopted by his majesty, to give to the character of minister plenipotentiary from the French republic, in which character I have resided for two years and a half at this court, a suitable publicity by admitting me to a private audience. I have every reason to consider this ex. tract as authentic, and in this character I feel myself bound to address you. Of whatever reflections the principle and spirit of that extract may be susceptible, my design is not to comment upon it all. The government, whose representative I am, possesses, as well as myself, a scrupulous respect for the independence of governments, and even a regard for their private convenience. The tyrannical and intriguing system of asking on every subject official explanations, would be as contrary to their principles as to my own character. To make an
incident of a phrase, to attach a di plomatic importance to each word, to render the slightest discussion personal, to season with arrogance the ennui of a laborious epistolary controversy, is a part which we have lately seen played by certain agents, who quarrel for want of business, who know not how to serve their courts, but by insulting others, and who represent nothing more than the vices of their nations; ridicule and contempt are attached to them; their example is fit to be recollected, only because it is proper to be avoided. As the French republic makes it her glory to fol low a contrary system to that of the powers who acknowledge such ministers, I honour myself for being a contrast to them in all my proceedings.
But, sir, I cannot dispense with fixing my attention upon the con
clusion of the extract of your instruction above mentioned, and seeing that the result is announced in terms which by their too general acceptation, may lead to abusive interpretation. I have thought that it is necessary to have an amicable understanding with you.
In speaking of my admission, and of the public acknowledgment of my character, you say, that this step is isolated, and means nothing but what is in itself. Do you not apprehend that the disaffected will see, in this mode of expression, a sort of restriction, of implicit reserve; that they may go so far as to suppose that it alludes to I know not what other declaration or ante. rior measure which may have been adopted to the same courts to which your ministers may have held this official language? That even attributing the publication to you
they may give a sort of credit to the inductions? Undoubtedly you will see with pain that the public receives them; for however forced they may be, they injure the idea which the court of Denmark wishes always to give of the frank. ness of its proceedings. That after having so long delayed a measure, become necessary to her own consideration, as well as to the dignity of the republic, she might be again suspected of wishing to destroy the good effect secretly, and to weaken whatever advantage the measure might produce to France. Would not this be a real inconvenience? I only wish to point out what in this concerns your own reputation.
On the other hand, sir, the French government, now esta
blished on a new constitution, resumes its rank among the other European powers. It will of course be extremely cautious not to incur the charge of inconsistency, nor to suffer any stain to attach on its dignity, nor in any respect to sanction hy injustice the detraction of its calumniators. The government well know the influence of public opinion, and will not fail so set themselves right in the estimation of the world, when their adversaries are busily employed in corrupting it.
Although they feel themselves far superior to flattery and ostentation, and direct all their operations with that confidence which arises from the wisdom of their councils, and the energy of their measures; yet the value they set upon their connection with Denmark, renders it impossible for them to behold, with an eye of indifference, a circumstance which conveys a harsh VOL. XXXVIII.
reflection on their conduct. The abuse that might be made of your note, gave them much concern, and it was with extreme satisfaction that they received a testimony of the rectitude of your intentions. A loyal government stoops not to a disavowal, because it asserts nothing but the truth. A wise government ought to contemn false reports, but a benevolent government, or only an impartial one, will not reject overtures to an explanation, especially if it is demanded with amicable views.
It is with this view, sir, that I now discharge this important duty, a duty which, though painful, is still necessary to prevent an interruption of the existing harmony between our respective states, which ought to be united more closely than ever. If personal consideration were of any weight, I should give my opinion that this is not an unimportant object, and perhaps the occurrences, which preceded my admission, were not of the most conciliatory nature, and may produce some embarrassments in the event, at least with respect to this court. The first observation I submit to your wisdom, and the latter remark to your delicacy. (Signed) GROUVELLE.
Answer of Count Bernstorff.
I AM very sensible and grateful for the sentiments expressed in the letter which I have had the honour to receive from you. They increase my esteem, and though I cannot add any thing to that which I have verbally pronounced to you, I enter with pleasure into your wishes and I do not hesitate to give you friendly explanations, even on the
objects which do not admit of ministerial discussions. The instructions which I gave to some of the king's ministers at different foreign courts are of this kind: it is become public without our knowledge; it is nothing like a decla ration to these courts. We have made no declaration; it is a simple official instruction, only designed for the information of those to whom it is addressed, and which relates to the anterior correspondence and which breathing only the justice rendered to the present French constitution, could not surely involve us in a dispute with her, but rather with those who do not love that constitution. This is so clearly evident, that I should only weaken it by further explana tion.
You know, besides, that your admission has been without the smallest reserve, absolutely in the usual and most solemn forms that we know. We never do things by hal, and as you are witness of our conduct and proceedings, I should love to chuse you yourself as judge, and I depend upon your impartiality. In the same manner I entreat you to believe in the high consideration with which I am, &c. BERNSTORFF.
Copenhagen, March 19, 1796.
Proclamation of the Queen of Portugal for making Lisbon a free Port. Donna Maria, by the Grace of God, Queen of Portugal and the Algarves, &c. &c.
BE it known to all to whom this law shall come, that taking into my royal consideration the many and very important advantages which would necessarily result to the commerce of the subjects of these kingdoms and their dominions, by the
establishment of a free port; and well aware, that the port of Lisbon, from is situation, security, and facility of navigation with the ocean, is preferable to those of other nations which have adopted similar establishments; conforming myself to the opinion of my royal board of commerce, agriculture, manufactures, and navigation, of those kingdoms and their dominions, and of others of my council, very learned and zealous for the good of my royal service, and of the public utility-It is my will, and I am pleased to create and establish, at Junquiera, joining to the city of Lisbon, a free port, to take entire and due effect from the first day of January, in the year next ensuing of 1797, having des tined for its exercise and the deposit, the houses and warehouses of Fort St. John, with the ground adjoining, whereon to build the further necessary accommodations, there to receive and deposit all goods and merchandize, of whatever quality or kind they may be, as well for foreign countries, (except for the present sugar and tobacco) as from national ports situate beyond the Cape of Good Hope, for the purpose, at the option of the proprietors of the said goods, of disposing of them for the internal comsumption of the kingdom, provided they are entitled to lawful entry, and on paying the customary duties, at the respective customhouses; or to be exported to fo reign ports, or national ones be yond the said Cape of Good Hope, on paying only towards the benefit of my royal revenue, for protection and deposit, the duty of 1 per cent. on the amount of their value, calculated on the invoice to be produced by the captains of the
vessels, or their consignees, by them signed and certified on oath; the liberty of franquin still, how ever, to remain as heretofore, for all vessels that shall require it, according to the rules as established by the custom house of this city; suppressing all other duties, and revoking all and whatever dispositions that may oppose or infringe on the liberty and freedom, which are to constitute the advantages of the establishment.
Further to animate and promote in this capital, a concurrence and abundance of articles of the first necessity, I am pleased to declare that all qualities of grain, meat, and food, which are free from paying duties inward, shall not only enjoy the free liberty of exportation, but shall be also free from payment of the aforesaid contribution imposed on other goods, and continue to be received and dispatched through the same departments as heretofore.
In case it should happen that the crown of Portugal should enter into war (which God forbid) with any power whose subjects might be interested in goods in the free port, in which condition it is to be understood the aforesaid grain, meat and food, are included, no arrest, embargo, sequestration, or reprisal, shall on that account be made thereon; but on the contrary, they shall remain in the utmost freedom and security, as if each individual had them placed in his own house, to dispose of them as he may judge most suited to his
The administration of the aforesaid free port shall be constituted under the superintendance of a general comptroller, with the ne
cessary officers under him that I may be pleased to appoint; and it is my will to order, that he shall be independent of all and every jurisdiction, and only subordinate to the tribunal of the royal board of commerce, through which will be forwarded the necessary orders to meet occurring circumstances, and bring up to my royal presence all representations tending to maintain, and preserve inviolate, the good faith of this establishment, in due conformity to the particular regulations which I have ordered to be formed for the government of the aforesaid administration, and officers employed in conducting it; and also to serve as a guidance to all captains of ships and their consignees, for their conduct on the entry and shipping of all goods claiming the benefit of this institution.
Dated at the palace of Queliez,
Manifesto, or Declaration of the Queen of Portugal, against the Republic of the United States of the Netherlands.
WHEREAS the Portuguese envoy extraordinary with the repub. lic of the United States of the Netherlands, has, in his report of the 15th of June, transmitted to her majesty the copy of a letter which he received from the committee for foreign affairs of the republic, in which has been notified to him the fixed resolution of abstaining from all political communication with him, as representative of her majesty, the queen of Portugal, till the conclusion of a peace with the French republic.
Besides which, the said envoy ultimately signifies, in his letter, P 2 that