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slavery. What remains for to do, in order to avoid all misfortunes which are inseble concomitants of idleness? hing, but to devote your es to the culture of the rich luctions of the colony you int! Many of you have been to nce; they will tell you, that people are there constantly upied at useful labours, and culture in particular Imitate tacuve people, who adopts you brethren, and you will establish, that means, a trade of exchange h them, which will cement I strengthen your brotherly re
Instruction is as useful to you as Your; by it you will transmit ur rights to your children; by you will learn how to fulfil the ty of good citizens: finally, by struction you will attain that deee of morality, which distinashes the civilized from the saage man, the honest from the per
The government will omit nobing to attain an object so inteesting, and so worthy of its solicitude. Public schools will be established throughout all the colonies; your children shall there receive instruction; imbibe a taste for labour and morals, which are to accomplish their full generation. The republic will extend farther her cares for your children, for she wishes that a certain number of those who shall have produced a greater disposition and zeal for instructon be sent to France, with the consent of their parents, there to study in a more perfect degree those sciences or arts, to which they may have shewn a more decided inclination.
The same resources are likewise offered to the children of the whites, and of the coloured people; for the primary schools, which will be established, will be open to all individuals, born in the colonies, of whatever colour they may be. ALL MEN ARE EQUAL IN RIGHTS.
To you, Citizens, whom a barbarous custom had made formerly proprietors of slaves, we shall observe, that in consequence only of the most strange subversion of what is know under the name of justice and humanity, the most sacred rights of man had been forsaken in the former order of things, which allowed them to be reduced to the most insufferable and abject slavery; we shall tell you that a state so contrary to nature, though apparently favourable to your interests, was of too violent a nature to last long. How could the master shake off the thought of the dangers with which he was incessantly threatened? Does not the experience of ages and nations, transmitted by history, inform us, that tyranny has always fallen a victim to its own crimes? Undoubtedly, six hundred thousand slaves, unjustly and cruelly tortured in almost every instance of their lives, could not afford a great degree of security to the small number of their masters. They were most assuredly disturbed by the most cruel enormities.
Instead of the violent state in which lingered the late proprietors of slaves, liberty and equality, which flow from the constitution, offer to them nothing but true enjoyments and perfect security to their lives and fortunes.
In addressing those formerly distinguished
tinguished as whites, and people of colour, without possessions, would say to them, that in a free state, all hands ought to be employed; that every one ought to make a choice of a kind of labour which, in concurring to the general welfare, would procure to the labourer not only existence, but the conveniencies of life; that the colonial system being altered, they must no more establish their hopes of fortune on SLAVERY, for it is FOR EVFR ABOLISHED on the whole territory of France. Let every one, therefore, make the best of his industry, devote himself to agriculture. Let not any ill founded shame keep him in inactivity, which is as dangerous to himself, as it is ruinous to the commonweal. Let him be convinced, that no occupation de bases man; let him know, that with the wisest people of antiquity, agriculture was considered as the first of all occupations. Let them, therefore, renounce that state of vagrancy which the laws of the republic will punish.
In fine, we would repeat to them, that as all the inhabitants of the colony from this instant will form but one class, every citizen will have the same rights, and enjoy the same advantages; and that the republic establishes no other distinction among them, than those of virtue and vice, of talents and ignorance.
In the name of the republic, in the name of humanity, in the name of the sacred love of our country, we invite all citizens to concur with us in the restoration of order and agriculture; we invite them to forget their respective wrongs and quarrels, to make it now their sole
Proclamation of the Executive Directory to the Armies of the Sambre and Meuse.
New cries of war are heard on the banks of the Rhine. What rage is it thus goads on our cruel enemy, who, amidst his disasters and our triumphs, has the temerity of breaking an armistice which he himself demanded, and you granted him, in hopes of a speedy peace? -Guided by the ferocious English, he receives their gold and contempt as the price of his submission, and of the blood of his bravest warriors. Let then the republican bayonet reach the tottering thrones of the monsters coalesced against the human race, and strike terror into their bosoms ! let your irresistible valour within a few days put a period to that struggle of the liberty of the people against tyranny, which has lasted but too long; and let the haughty despots, who still dare to fight against that liberty, at last bow submissive at the aspect of the republican banners! May 29.
Proclamation by General Buonaparte and commissary Salicetti, dated the 30th of Floreal (19th May).
THE French republic, while it has sworn hatred to tyrants, has Bworn fraternity to nations.
This principle, sanctioned by the constitution of the republic, is as much a principle of the army. The despousm which for so long a time has held Lombardy under its yoke, has been the cause of great calamines to France; but the French know that the cause of kings is not the cause of the people. The victorious army of a monarch are insolent, and spread terfor among the nations where they carry their victories; but a repub. lican army, though forced to carry on a deadly war against the kings with whom it contends, promises friendship to the people whom its victories deliver from tyranny. Respect for the persons and property, and respect for the religion of the people, are the sentiments which actuate the government of the French republic, and their victorious army in Italy. Of this the good order which they have observed from the first moment of their entry into Lombardy, is no unequivocal proof.
If the victorious French consider the inhabitants of Lombardy as brethren, the latter ought to entertain a reciprocity of affection. The army must pursue its victories; and drive entirely out of Italy that despotism which has held Lombardy in chains. The independence of this country, and its good fortune, depend upon the success of the French enterprizes. Lombardy hen ought to second them by all the means in its power. To assure the march of the troops provisions are necessary, which they cannot receive from France,
from which they are separated; they ought to find then these in Lombardy, where they are making their conquests. The rights of war give them security for obtaining them, and friendship ought to be eager to offer them.
Twenty millions of French money are imposed as a contribution for this purpose; the division will be made among the different provinces of Austrian Lombardy. The terms of payment, which admit of the least possible delay, will be fixed by particular instructions. It is certainly a moderate contribution for so fertile a country, particularly when we reflect upon the advantages which must result from it. The division might have been settled by agents of the French government, and this mode would certainly have been reasonable; but the French republic, not wishing to reserve to itself this right, has left it to the local authorities, and to the assembly of the state. It only points out to you, as the basis upon which you ought to levy this contribution, that it ought to be proportionably divided among those provinces which formerly paid imposts to the tyrant of Austria, and that it ought to fall upon the rich and the ecclesiastical bodies, who too long thought themselves privileged, and withstood all taxation; do not oppress the poorer class. If some requisitions be made in kind, the general in chief, and the commissary of the government, declare, that there shall be no surcharge upon the contribu tion. They will afterwards settle the price of the articles required, which they will pay to the venders with the produce of the contri
bution fixed as above, or with the receipts which they will give, instead of ready money.
Proclamation of Commissary Salicetti.
ART. 1. THE council established on the 9th May last by the archduke, at the moment of his flight, on which he devolved, by an edict, the exercise of the supreme power, is suppressed. The president of the supreme tribunal, the two presidents of appeal and of the first instance, and the president of the magistracy, who were appointed by the archduke to compose this council, are probibited from continuing their functions.
2. The general council of decurions, concentrated into privileged classes, whose functions were reserved for extraordinary occasions, having become useless by present circumstances, is also suppressed and the same prohibition is extended to the nobles and patricians who compose it.
3. The magistracy, known by the name of magistrat politique de la chambre, whose complicated functions having also become useless, tend only to throw obstacles in the way of the simple course of government, is likewise suppressed; and those who exercised the office are forbidden to assemble, except it be to replace, after receiving other instructions, the members of this body, when their functions shall be rendered subservient to the happiness of the people.
4. The authorities thus suppressed shall be provisionally replaced by a military agency, composed of citizens Maurin, Reboul, and Pa
5. The assembly of the state,
composed of thirteen members, to whom the government of all Lombardy is committed, is provisionally retained in the functions allotted to it by its institution. It shall exercise these functions in the name of the republic of France, under the inspection and controul of the military agents to whom it shall be accountable.
6. The municipal administrations are also retained in all the communes of Lombardy.
7. The municipal assembly existing at Milan, composed of thirteen members and a syndic, is also provisionally retained under the name of the municipality of the town of Milan.
8. The commandant of the fort of Milan shall be president of the municipal council, and shall exercise in it a military police, and also all the functions delegated by the French laws to the commandants of forts in a state of siege.
9. The members composing the municipality of Milan are Francois Viscanti, Antoine Caccianini, Galeas Serbelloni, Felix Laticada, Charles Bignami, Antoine Corbetta, Fidelæ Sopransi, Gatean Porro, Pierre Verri, Joseph Violtini, Jean Baptiste Sommarina, Paul Sangiorgio, Antoine Crespi, Cæsar Pelagata, Charles Ciani, Charles Parea.
10. The acts and deliberations of all the authorities created or preserved by the present decree, shall be in the name of the French republic.
Proclamation by Buonaparte, Com
mander in Chief of the Army of Italy, to his Brothers in Arms, dated Head Quarters at Milan, Prairial 1, (May 20.)
SOLDIERS, you have precipitated yourselves like a torrent from the heights of the Appenines; you have routed and dispersed all who have opposed your progress: Piedmont, delivered from Austrian tyranny, displays its natural sentiments of peace and friendship for France. Milan is our's, and the republican flag flies over all Lombardy. The dukes of Parma and Modena owe their political existence to your generosity. The army that with so much pride threatened you, has no barrier of protection against your courage: the Po, the Tessin, the Adda, have been unable to stop you a single day; those boasted bulwarks of Italy have been insufficient to de. lay your progress; you have surmounted them as rapidly as you passed the Appenines. So much success has carried joy to the bo. som of our country; your representatives have ordered a fête, dedicated to your victories, which will be celebrated in all the communes of the republic. Your fa. thers, your mothers, your wives, your sisters, your lovers, will en joy your success, and boast with pride that they belong to you. Yes, soldiers, you have done much; but does there remain nothing more to be done? Though we have known how to vanquish, we have not known how to profit of our victo. ries. Posterity will reproach us with having terminated our course in Lombardy; but already I see you run to arms; a slothful repose fatigues you. Let us depart! We have yet forced marches to make, enemies to subdue, laurels to gather, injuries to revenge. Let those tremble who have whetted the poniards of civil warin France, VOL. XXXVIII.
who have basely assassinated our ministers, and burnt our ships at Toulon: the hour of vengeance and retribution is near at hand. But let the people remain tran quil; we are friends to all the people, and more particularly the descendants of Brutus, of Scipio, and the great men we have taken for our models. Re-establish the capitol, and place there, with honour, the statues of the heroes that rendered it celebrated; awaken the Roman people ; debased by many centuries of slavery: such will be the fruit of your victories; they will form an epoch for posterity; you will have the immortal glory of changing the face of the finest country in Europe. The free French people, respected by the whole world, will give to Europe a glorious peace, which will indemnify them for the sacrifices they have made during six years; you will then return to your homes, and your fellow-citizens will say, shewing you, this man was of the army of Italy.
The Deputies of the People of Albe, to Citizen Buonaparte, General in Chief of the French Army, to procure Liberty to Italy.
Citizen General, LIKE Frenchmen we wish to be free.
To live under no king or tyrant of any title. We wish for civil equality, and that the feudal monster should be thrown to the ground.
For this purpose we have taken up arms at the approach of your victorious troops, and we come to implore your assistance, to break the chains which have for a long time retained us in bondage. R