after the taking of Rome, were driven out by Camillus, and the city thus weakened did not easily recover itself, many of the Latins, under the conduct of Livius Posthumius, marched against it. This army sitting down before Rome, a herald was sent to signify, that the Latins were desirous to renew their old alliance and affinity, which was now declining by new inter-marriages. Ïf, therefore they would send them a good number of their virgins and widows, peace and friendship should be established between them, as it was before with the Sabines on the like occasion. When the Romans heard this, though they were afraid of war yet they looked upon the giving up of their women as not at all more eligible than captivity. While they were in this suspense, a servant-maid, named Philotis, or according to others, Tutola, advised them to do neither, but by a stratagem, which she had thought of, to avoid both the war and the giving of hostages. The stratagem was to dress Philotis herself and other handsome female slaves, in good attire, and send them, instead of free-born virgins, to the ene my. Then in the night, Philotis was to light up a torch (as a signal) for the Romans to attack the enemy, and dispatch them in their sleep. The Latins were satisfied, and the scheme put in practice. For accordingly Philotis did set up a torch on a wild fig-tree, screening it behind with curtains and coverlets from the sight of the enemy, whilst it was visible to the Romans. As soon as they beheld it, they set out in great haste, often calling upon each other at the gates to be expeditious. Then they fell upon the Latins, who expected nothing less, and cut them in pieces. Hence this feast, in memory of the victory. The day was called Nona Caprotina, on account of the wild fig-tree, in the Roman tongue caprificus. The women are entertained in the fields in booths made of the branches of the fig-tree and the servant-maids in companies run about and play; afterwards they come to blows, and throw stones at one another, in remembrance of their then assisting and standing by the Romans in the battle. These particulars are admitted but by few historians. Indeed, their calling upon each other's names in the day-time, and their walking in procession to the Goat's Marsh,* * Instead of ws & Saλay, the reading in Bryan's text, which has no tolerable sence, an anonymous copy gives us wong aλdaλažeiv. 120 ROMULUS AND THESEUS COMPARED. like persons that were going to a sacrifice, seems rather to be placed to the former account: though possibly both those events might happen, in distant periods on the same day. Romulus is said to have been fifty-four years of age, and in the thirty-eighth of his reign,* when he was. taken from the world. ROMULUS AND THESEUS COMPARED.. THIS is all I have met with that deserves to be related concerning Romulus and Theseus. And to come to the comparison,† first it appears, that Theseus was in clined to great enterprizes, by his own proper choice, and compelled by no necessity, since he might have reigned in peace at Træzene, over a kingdom by no means contemptible, which would have fallen to him by suc cession; Whereas Romulus, in order to avoid present. slavery and impending punishment, became valiant (as Plato expresses it) through fear and was driven, by the terror of extreme sufferings to arduous attempts. Besides, the greatest action of Romulus was the killing of one tyrant in Alba: But the first exploits of Theseus, performed occassionally, and by way of prelude only, were those of destroying Sciron, Sinnis, Procrustes, and the club-bearer; by whose punishment and death he delivered Greece from several cruel tyrants, before they, for whose preservation he was labouring, knew him. Moreover, And that to sacrifice, or rather to offer up prayers at a sacrifice, is in one sense of aλada appears from the scholiast on Sophocles's Trachiniæ where he explains αλαλαγοις. by ταις επί των θυσιών. suxas. This signification, we suppose, it gained from the loud accent in which those prayers were said or sung. * Dionysius of Halicarnassus (and indeed Plutarch himself, in the beginning of the life of Numa) says, that Romulus left the world in the thirty-seventh year after the foundation of Rome. But perhaps those two historians may be reconciled as to the age he died at. For Plutarch says, he was then full fifty-four years of age, and Dionysius that he was in his fifty-fifth year. Nothing can be more excellant than these parallels of Plutarch. He weighs the virtues and vices of men in so just a balance, and puts so true an estimate on their good and bad qualities, that the reader cannot attend to them without infinite advantage. he might have gone safely to Athens by sea, without any danger from robbers; but Romulus could have no security, while Amulius lived. This difference is evident. Theseus, when unmolested himself, went forth to rescue others from their oppressors. On the other hand, Romulus and his brother, while they were uninjured by the tyrant themselves, quietly suffered him to exercise his cruelties. And, if it was a great thing for Romulus to be wounded in the battle with the Sabines, to kill Acron, and to conquer many other enemies, we may set against these distinctions the battle with the Centaurs, and the war with the Amazons. But as to Theseus's enterprize with respect to the Cretan tribute, when he voluntarily offered to go among the young men and virgins, whether he was to expect to be food for some wild beast, or to be sacrificed at Androgeus's tomb, or, which is the lightest of all the evils said to be prepared for him, to submit to a vile and dishonourable slavery, it is not easy to express his courage and magnanimity, his regard for justice and the public good, and his love of glory and of virtue. On this occasion, it appears to me, that the philosophers have not ill defined love to be a remedy provided by the gods for the safety and preservation of youth.* For Ariadne's love seems to have been the work of some god, who designed by that means to preserve this great man. Nor should we blame her for her passion, but rather wonder that all were not alike affected towards him. And if she alone was sensible of that tenderness, I may justly pronounce her worthy the love of a god,† as she shewed so great a regard for virtue and excellence in her attachment to so worthy a man. Both Theseus and Romulus were born with political talents; yet neither of them preserved the proper charater of a king, but deviated from the due medium, the one erring on the side of democracy, the other on that of absolute power, according to their different tempers. For a prince's first concerns is to preserve the government * Vide PLAT. Conviv. † Plutarch here enters into the notion of Socrates, who teaches, that it is the love of virtue and real excellence which alone can unite us to the Supreme Being. But though this maxim is good, it is not applicable to Ariadne. For where is the virtue of that princess, who fell in love with a stranger at first sight, and hastened to the comple tion of her wishes through the ruin of her kindred and her country? itself and this is effected, no less by avoiding whatever is improper, than by cultivating what is suitable to his dignity. He who gives up, or extends his authority, continues not a prince or a king, but degenerates into a republican or a tyrant, and thus incurs either the hatred or contempt of his subjects. The former seems to be the error of a mild and humane disposition, the latter of self-love and severity. If, then, the calamities of mankind are not to be entirely attributed to fortune, but we are to seek the cause in their different manners and passions, here we shall find, that unreasonable anger, with quick and unadvised resentment, is to be imputed both to Romulus, in the case of his brother, and to Theseus in that of his son. But, if we consider whence their anger took its rise, the latter seems the more excusable, from the greater cause he had for resentment, as yielding to the heavier blow. For, as the dispute began when Romulus was in cool consultation for the common good,* one would think he could not presently have given way to such a passion: Whereas Theseus was urged against his son, by emotions which few men have been able to withstand, proceeding from love, jealousy, and the false suggestions of his wife. What is more, the anger of Romulus discharged itself in an action of most unfortunate consequence; but that of Theseus proceeded no further than words, reproaches, and imprecations, the usual revenge of old men. The rest of the young man's misery seems to have been owing to fortune. Thus far Theseus seems to deserve the preference. But Romulus has, in the first place, this great advantage, that he rose to distinction from very small beginnings. For the two brothers were reputed slaves and sons of herdsmen; and yet before they attained to liberty themselves, they bestowed it on almost all the Latins; gaining at once the most glorious titles, as destroyers of their enemies, deliverers of their kindred; kings of nations, and founders of cities, not transplanters, as Theseus was, who filled indeed one city with people, but it was by ruining many others, which bore the names of ancient kings *Plutarch does not seem to have had a just idea of the contest between Romulus and Remus. The two brothers were not so solicitous about the situation of their new city, as which of them should have the command in it, when it was built. and heroes. And Romulus afterwards effected the same, when he compelled his enemies to demolish their habitations, and incorporate with their conquerors. He had not, however, a city ready built, to enlarge, or to transplant inhabitants to from other towns, but he created one, gaining to himself lands, a country, a kingdom, children, wives, alliances; and this without destroying or ruining any one. On the contrary, he was a great benefactor to persons who, having neither house nor habitation, willingly became his citizens and people. He did not, indeed, like Theseus, destroy robbers and ruffians, but he subdued nations, took cities, and triumphed overkings and generals. As for the fate of Remus, it is doubtful by what hand he fell; most writers ascribing it to others, and not to Roinulus. But, in the face of all the world, he saved his mother from destruction, and placed his grandfather, who lived in mean and dishonourable subjection, upon the throne of Eneas: Moreover, he voluntarily did him many kind offices, but never injured him, not even inadvertently. On the other hand, I think, Theseus, in forgetting or neglecting the command about the sail, can scarcely, by any excuses, or before the mildest judges, avoid the imputation of parricide. Sensible how difficult the defence of this affair would be to those who should attempt it, a certain Athenian writer feigns, that when the ship approached, Egeus ran in great haste to the citadel for the better view of it, and missing his step, fell down; as if he were destitute of servants, or went, in whatever hurry, unattended to the sea. Moreover, Theseus's rapes and offences, with respect to women, admit of no plausible excuse; because, in the first place, they were committed often; for he carried off Ariadne, Antiope, and Anaxo the Trazenian; after the rest, Helen; though she was a girl not yet come to maturity, and he so far advanced in years, that it was time for him to think no more even of lawful marriage: The next aggravation is the cause; for the daughters of the Træzenians, the Lacedæmonians, and the Amazons, were not more fit to bring children, than those of the Athenians sprung from Erectheus and Cecrops. These things, therefore, are liable to the suspicion of a wanton and licencious appetite. On the other hand, Romulus, having carried off at once almost eight hundred women, did not |