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Coppinger

he faith that this was a fecret Myftery (as Hacket and Coppinger affirmed to him) which they would keep to themfelves, and were fo enjoined of the Lord. But whether foever the way to effect thefe, was meant by fome open violence, or fecret practice; fure it is, that popular Tumult was not the least means they trufted of, to bring them to pafs, which they hoped to ftir up by their pretence of fo great holinefs, with calling the Realm to repentance in the open Streets of London, by offering joys and mercy to the Penitent, and by their Proclamation alfo then made in Cheapfide, as hereafter cometh to be declared.

Now that these their two laft Purposes were indeed the principal and main ends which they propounded to themselves (befides that which by the way is noted already, and that which comes hereafter to be mentioned) let thefe few Proofs enfuing fuffice. Firft, for the alteration of the whole Government Ecclefiaftical, and erecting of the new Difcipline: It is confeffed, that Copand Arthing pinger and Arthington, the two Counterfeit ton (two falfe Prophets (on the 16th of July laft, being Prophets) their words to Wig- Friday, and the self-fame day that they arofe ginton the in Cheapfide) told Wigginton in the morning day before the thefe words amongst many others, viz. That Infurrection. Reformation and the Lord's Difcipline fhould now forthwith be eftablished, and therefore charged Wigginton in the Lord's name, to put all Chriftians in comfort, that they should fee a joyful alteration in the ftate of Church-Government fhart

ly.

ly. To which words Wigginton made no reply, nor further demand, as of any matter ftrange unto him, how it was fo fhortly to be compaffed. Wherein may also be obferved, that these kind of Persons do reckon and term only thofe Chriftians that will take comfort and joy at fuch an Alteration. So that (by their Opinions) it skilleth not what be attempted or done against all others, being but as Heathens and Paynims, or at leaft Idolaters.

pinger's Let

pline.

Thus much (with their feditious Purposes Their Seditious alfo) is plainly implied in a dangerous Let- Purposes apter written by the faid Coppinger fince Eafter pear in Coplaft, unto one John Udal, a condemned ter to Udal, man for Felony, in the White Lyon in Surrey, then condemnfor writing of the Book termed the Demon- ed for writing ftration of Difcipline: That Letter beginneth the Demonftra tion of Difcithus: Right Reverend Sir, my forbearing to vifit you and the rest of the Saints (who suffer for Righteoufnefs fake) do give you all cause to think that I have forfaken my first Love, and have embraced the God of this World. But my ConScience beareth me witness of the contrary: The Reafons of my abfence being so great and so weighty, that hereafter when they shall be examined by your felves (who are endued with the Spirit of wisdom and difcerning of Spirits) I doubt not but you will allow of my not coming, which might bring you into more trouble and danger, than it would do me good, or breed me comfort. And afterward thus, You have care and confcience to further the building of the Lord's Houfe which lieth waste, and to seek the final overthrow of

Note

Note.

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Antichrift's Kingdom: which being the Lord's own work, he wili blefs it, and all the Actors in it. And this I dare be bold (of mine own knowledge) to report, that in this great Work he hath divers that lie bid, and are yet at liberty, who are hammering their heads, bufying their brains, and Spending their fpirits in prayers to God, as much as you, or any of you that are in Prifon, and hope in fhort time to be brought forth into the fight of their and your Enemies, to defend the Cause you ftand for.And again afterward in this wife: I beseech you,cheer up your felves in the Lord, for the day of our Redemption is at hand, and pray that the Hand of the Lord may be ftrengthened in them, whom he hath appointed to take part with you in this Caufe, and befeech him that bleffing may be upon Sion, and confufion upon Babel. Pardon my long Letter, I beseech you, and impart mine bumble fuit to all the reft, to whom I neither dare write, nor offer to fee. I neither put to my Name, nor make Subscription: The Bringer can report who fendeth the Letter, and let that Suffice.

Furthermore, that they hated deadly and maligned her Majefty (as a principal Obftacle to their Innovation and Kingdom, and therefore fought to deprive her Highness of her Sovereignty and Life) may be gathered by their own Words and Actions: For They ufually at Hacket confeffed before the other two, that tend Egerton, at a Sermon of one Egerton's preach'd in the Black-Fryars (whither they ufually refort) he the faid Hacket remained uncovered all the Sermon time, until the Preacher came

a Preacher in

Black-Friars.

to

to pray for her Majesty, but then (he faid) that he put on his Hat. And when Arthington demanded why he did fo, Coppinger ftreightway answered thus, There is a matter in that. Likewife when as (in their private Prayers amongst themselves) Arthing

ton ufed to pray for the Queen, Coppinger Coppinger would fundry times tell him, that his fo do- and Hacket ing did much grieve Hacket, adding, that in forbear to pray for the Queen the beginning himself did alfo pray for her, but Hacket had now drawn him from it: faying, there was a caufe why, which Arthington knew not, but fhould know hereafter. For (faith he) you do not know this man (meaning Hacket) who is a greater Perfon than fhe, and indeed above all the Princes in the World.

And whenas on the very Sunday before their rifing (for fo themselves have fince termed that Action) it happened that Arthington prayed again for the prefervation of the Queen's Majefty: Hacket (not digesting this) fuddenly with indignation turned his face away from him, but when he prayed for other matters, then Hacket caft his countenance towards him again; which he perceiving that Arthington alfo marked by him, and purpofing (as it feemeth) to falve up this matter again, (left Arthington happily might yet have fallen from them) therefore when they had ended their Prayers, Hacket took him with his Arms about the middle (in very kind fort) affirming, that he loved the Queen as well as either of them, and deP fired

Note.

Hacket and

Coppinger defign'd the Queen's deprivation of Go

fired him not to be offended, for the Lord had commanded it: Adding further, that there was a matter in it that Arthington as yet knew not. Hereupon Coppinger (being in hearing thereof) faid, that the might be prayed for in general terms, but not fo fpecially as Arthington did (whereby Hacket was grieved) nor yet to be prayed for as a Sovereign: For (faid he) the may not reign as Sovereign, but this man Hacket; and yet

faith he) fhe fhall live better than ever the did, albeit she must be governed by another, thereby also meaning Hacket. And to the intent they might the more affuredly retain Arthington without fufpicion of their poisonful malice (wherein they boiled against the Queen's Highnefs) Hacket himfelf (once after this time) very fubtilly prayed for her Majefty.

For proof that they alfo meant to deprive Arthington her of life, the feveral Confeffions of Arconfeffeth that thington at fundry Examinations may be alledged. Whereby (upon that which he heard and knew) is confeffed, that he is verily perfuaded Hacket meant her Majefty fhould have been deprived both of Kingdom and Life, which he alfo gathered by Coppinger's Letters, albeit he denieth, that he was ever made acquainted by what special means it fhould be done.

vernment and Life.

Thus having in fome part defcribed the Qualities, Perfuafions in Opinion, Familia/rity, Inducements unto mutual crediting

one

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