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perfect in some respects in the one as in the other case. We are enabled, however, to shew the reason of this difference; for Mr. Meredith informs us, that on a part of this same coast there are Dutch settlements, which still do something in the Slave Trade, and that the Portuguese have access to the adjoining coast for the same purpose. The full effects thercfore of the British Abolition have been impeded in their gress by these extraordinary circumstances, " for though, as Mr. Meredith observes, the export of slaves from these parts be now comparatively trifling, yet it keeps alive many of the mal-practices which would otherwise cease.” Mr. Meredith, however, is satisfied from what he has seen of the effects of this partial Abolition, as to what would be the consequences of a total Abolition of the Slave Trade. Now it is pleasing to reflect that these consequences are likely to be realized in this district to their full extent; for there is reason to hope, that the Dutch settlements alluded to, will ere long be under British jurisdiction; and that our government may have sufficient influence with the court of the Brazils, to prevent Portuguese subjects from counteracting the benevolent views of this country.

It would be improper, while I am upon this part of the coast, not to notice, though in few words, what has taken place upon it, and though under the auspices of another power, as it will confirm to a certain degree what has been said upon this subject. The Danish government, highly to its honour, was the first to abolish the Slave Trade. It had then, and it continues to have, settlements in these very parts. “It has, says Mr. Meredith, in one of his letters, independently of Christiansborg, three strong forts; two of them on the banks of the Rio Volta. Among the Danes we perceive the great progress which cultivation has made since their abandonment of the Slave Trade. Mr. Schonning, the governor in chief of his Danish Majesty's settlements upon this coast, has a most extensive plantation from ten to fifteen miles, in an inland direction, from Christiansborg, where improvements are care ried on without molestation. Civilization is also making rapid strides."

It appears then, that in those portions of the coast of Africa which have been selected for consideration, and where British influence at all reaches, the effects of the Abolition of the Slave Trade, as connected with the civilization of the natives, are as great as could have been reasonably hoped for in the short period since the passing of the great legislative Act which

VOL. I.

gave them birth. Let us now bring into one view those events, already cursorily mentioned, which have taken place since that Act, as well as those which may be reasonably expected, both of which must in their own nature produce consequences to Africa similar to those already realized. It is then with no small pleasure that I notice again the capture of Fort St. Louis by governor Maxwell. This happened only last year. By this conquest the Slave Trade may be stopped for many hundred miles on the margin of the river Senegal to the very occan, and the country of course included in these limits put, to a certain degree, into the same way of being civilized as in the three districts so particularly mentioned. It is equally satisfactory to bring again to the mind of the reader the case of the ship Amelie, by which all vessels, whether American or under American flags and papers, will be forced from this nefarious traffic, so that many parts out of the reach of British influence, but long infested by these, will have a chance of civilization also. Nor is it less pleasing to remind him of the Brazilian treaty just concluded, which seems intended at least to restrict the Portuguese trade within their own limits, a circumstance, which would produce the same effects as in the former case. To this we may now add, that there is reason to hope, government will use its endeavours to buy the island of Bissao and its dependencies, lying between Goree and Sierra Leone (and from whence the Portuguese, ship annually a thousand slaves) with the laudable view of connecting the chain of abolition and civilization in those parts ; and that commissioners lately sent to the coast of Africa, under the same authority, are expected soon to return, from whose report it is probable, that the Dutch settlements on the Gold Coast, interspersed with our own there, will ere loug, by changing masters, cease to continue nurseries for the Slave Trade ; events which, if they be only realized, would, in conjunction with those which have passed, open to the philanthropist a vast tract of country, extending for two thousand three hundred miles, in one unbroken line of coast, from Cape Verd to Cape Congo, in which he might exercise his powers for the improvement of the rude but injured people who inhabit it.

ALFRED. We are sorry to be obliged to state, that notwithstanding the favourable im. pression produced in Africa by the Abolition of the Slave Trade in the first instance, it appears hy some later accounts, that the dealers in human flesh still find means of evading the Act; and unless government shall speedily adopt some stronger measure, it is to be feared that one half of the good bere anticipated will not be realized.-ED,

SLAVE TRADE.

Copy of the Tenth Article of the Treaty of Friendship and

Alliance between His BŘITANNIC MAJESTY and His Royal Highness The Prince Regent of Portugal, signed at Rio de Janeiro the 19th of February, 1810; and published by Authority.

His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Portugal, being fully convinced of the injustice and impolicy of the Slave Trade, and of the great disadvantages which arise from the necessity of introducing and continually renewing a foreign and factitious population for the purpose of labour and industry within his South American dominions, has resolved to cooperate with His Britannic Majesty in the cause of humanity and justice, by adopting the most efficacious means for bringing about a gradual Abolition of the Slave Trade throughout the whole of his dominions. And actuated by this principle, His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Portugal engages that his subjects shall not be permitted to carry on the Slave Trade on any part of the Coast of Africa, not actually belonging to His Royal Highness's dominions, in which that trade has been discontinued and abandoned by the Powers and States of Europe, which formerly traded there ; reserving, however, to his own subjects the right of purchasing and trading in Slaves within the African dominions of the Crown of Portugal. It is however to be distinctly understool, that the stipulations of the present Article are not to be considered as invalidating or otherwise affecting the rights of the Crown of Portugal to the territories of Cabinda and Molembo (which rights have formerly been questioned by the Government of France), nor as limiting or restraining the commerce of Ajuda and other ports in Africa (situated upon the Coast commonly called in the Portuguese language the Costa de Mina), belonging to or claimed by the Crown of Portugal; His Royal Highness the Prince Regent of Portugal being resolved not to resign nor forego his just and legitimate pretensions thereto, nor the rights of his subjects to trade with those places, exactly in the same manner as they have hitherto done.

196

The importance of the following Paragraph, induces us to give it a place in our Work, hoping that it will meet with atlention from such of our Readers who may be in Parliment, and others, who have been active in procuring the Abolition of the Slave Trade.

London Chronicle, Norember 9, 1810.

BLACK SEAMEN.

The last Janaica papers have suggested to us some reflections respecting this class of men, which we are very sorry we should have lost a moment in giving utterance to; because the injustice to which, in certain cases, they seem lia. ble, is of so outrageous a nature, that every free man, that does not protest against it, if it be in his power, seems to us, in some degree, a particeps criminis against the man of colour.

To make our readers acquainted with wbat seems to us a matter of most serious national reproach, and what cannot too speedily call for the attention of the legislaturc, we must premise, that the Jamaica files which reach us, usually contain three or four columnis, each paper, of advertisements, inserted by the masters or governors of the different workhouses or prisons of the island, under the titles of " run-away slaves," or, of unhappy people of colour, suspected of being run-away slaves, who cannot give a good account of themselves. These real, or suspected run-away slaves, are, accor, ding to the municipal law of the island, to bé advertised during a period of cigbt weeks, in so many weekly papers, and after the lapse of that time, if the person to whom the slave is supposed to belong, fails to reclaim his property, or the person who is supposed to be a slave, fails to bring a proof of his being a free man, and to discharge his fees, then, in either case, by the laws of the island, the person

is to be sold as a slave.

Our readers will be able to form a better idea of the process which takes place upon such occasions, from the subjoined advertisements, which only differ from the originals in as much as slave is substituted for slaves, and because, in the originals, the brand-marks on the individuals to be exposed

to sale, seem too clearly to designate an interest in their persons according to the Carribean laws, for us to discuss with the lawgivers of Jamaica. We do not question the right of the colonies to legislate for themselves, and for their property, which they can ascertain, like the graziers that come to Smithfield, by their brand-marks; though, thank God, we have no fellow-feeling in their morality, but we have our strong and honest doubts of their right to consign to slavery, under a British King, for the want of producing the documents of their freedom, and the payment of their fecs, individuals such as here follow in these heart-sickening notices.

* Spanish Town Workhouse, June 22, 1810. “ Notice is hereby given, that unless the under mentioned slave is taken out of this workhouse, prior to Monday, the 26th day of August next, she will on that day, be sold by public outcry, to the highest and best bidder, at the Cross Keys Tavern, in this town, agreeably to the workhouse law now in force, for payment of her fees :

“ Margaret Frances Cole, a Mulatto Creole, five feet three inches high, says she is free, but has not any document thereof, no brand-mark, has a small cut on her forehead: coinmitted by W. S. Tonge, Esq.”

Black River Workhouse, July 11, 1810. “ Notice is hereby given, that unless the under mentioned slave is taken out of this workhouse prior to Tuesday, the 17th day of September next, he will on that day, between the hours of ten and twelve o'clock in the forenoon, be sold by public outcry, to the highest and best bidder, at the Post-office, on the Bay of Black River, agreeably to the workhouse law now in force, for payment of his fees:

“ Maria Cassia, five feet seven inches high, no mark, says he is free, but can. not produce any document thereof, from some part of the Spanish Main: committed by A. Rose, Esq.”

The case which we here subjoin is that part of a suspected run-away, confined in Kingston workhouse.

“ William Foot, five feet six and a half inches, says he was born in London, and that he is free, but has no document thereof; to be detained until his freedom is proved.”

Whether this poor man will be able to prove his freedom or not, it is impossible for us to say, but nothing can be more shocking, than that a man, born in London, should, by any accident in a British colony, be exposed to be sold as a slave. A black man born in England, according to the admirable and noble scheme of our constitution, is as much a free man, and

may be clothed with as many of the rights and privi. leges of an Englishman, as any other native of this free and happy realm. Is it to be tolerated, then, that in any circumstances, an Englishman is to be made a slave under the British government ? We trust the subject will be noticed in ParJiament, which alone can afford an efficacious remedy for so

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