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American Revolution was raging all over these United States ; England was prosecuting that war with a most resolute determination, and by the exertion of all her military means to the fullest extent. Germany was at that time at peace with England ; and yet an agent of that Congress, which was looked upon by England in no other light than that of a body in open rebellion, was not only received with great respect by the embassador of the Empress Queen at Paris, and by the minister of the Grand Duke of Tuscany, who afterwards mounted the imperial throne, but resided in Vienna for a considerable time; not, indeed, officiously acknowledged, but treated with courtesy and respect; and the Emperor suffered himself to be persuaded by that agent to exert himself to prevent the German powers from furnishing troops to England to enable her to suppress the rebellion in America. Neither Mr. Hülsemann, nor the Cabinet of Vienna, it is presumed, will undertake to say that anything said or done by this Government in regard to the recent war between Austria and Hungary is not borne out, and much more than borne out, by this example of the Imperial Court. It is believed that the Emperor Joseph the Second habitually spoke in terms of respect and admiration of the character of Washington, as he is known to have done of that of Franklin ; and he deemed it no infraction of neutrality to inform himself of the progress of the Revolutionary struggle in America, nor to express
his deep sense of the merits and the talents of those illustrious men who were then leading their country to independence and renown, The undersigned may add, that in 1781, the courts
of Russia and Austria proposed a diplomatic Congress of the belligerent powers, to which the commissioners of the United State should be admitted.
Mr. Hülsemann thinks that in Mr. Mann's instructions, improper expressions are introduced in regard to Russia ; but the undersigned has no reason to suppose that Russia herself is of that opinion. The only observation made in those instructions about Russia is, that she “has chosen to assume an attitude of interference, and her immense preparations for invading and reducing the Hungarians to the rule of Austria, from which they desire to be released, gave so serious a character to the contest as to awaken the most painful solicitude in the minds of Americans.” The undersigned cannot but consider the Austrian Cabinet as unnecessarily susceptible in looking upon language like this as a “hostile demonstration." If we remember that it was addressed by the Government to its own agent, and has received publicity only through a communication from one Department of the American Government to another, the language quoted must be deemed moderate and inoffensive. The comity of nations would hardly forbid its being addressed to the two Imperial Powers themselves. It is scarcely necessary for the undersigned to say, that the relations of the United States with Russia have always been of the most friendly kind, and have never been deemed by either party to require any compromise of their peculiar views upon subjects of domestic or foreign policy, or the true origin of governments. At any rate, the fact that Austria, in her contest with Hungary, had an intimate and
faithful ally in Russia, cannot alter the real nature of the question between Austria and Hungary, nor in any way affect the neutral rights and duties of the Government of the United States, or the justifiable sympathies of the American people. It is, indeed, easy to conceive, that favor toward struggling Hungary would not be diminished, but increased, when it was seen that the arm of Austria was strengthened and upheld by a power whose assistance threatened to be, and which in the end proved to be, overwhelmingly destructive of all her hopes.
Toward the conclusion of his note, Mr. Hülsemann remarks that “if the Government of the United States were to think it proper to take an indirect part in the political movements of Europe, American policy would be exposed to acts of retaliation, and to certain inconveniencies which would not fail to affect the commerce and industry of the two hemispheres.” As to this possible fortune, this hypothetical retaliation, the Government and people of the United States are quite willing to take their chances and abide their destiny. Taking neither a direct nor an indirect part in the domestic or intestine movements of Europe, they have no fear of events of the nature alluded to by Mr. Hülsemann. It would be idle now to discuss with Mr. Hülsemann those acts of retaliation which he imagines may possibly take place at some indefinite time hereafter. Those questions will be discussed when they arise ; and Mr. Hülsemann and the Cabinet of Vienna may rest assured that, in the mean time, while performing with strict and exact fidelity all their neutral duties,
nothing will deter either the Government or the people of the United States from exercising, at their own discretion, the rights belonging to them as an independent nation, and of forming and expressing their own opinions, freely and at all times, upon the great political events which may transpire among the civilized nations of the earth. Their own institutions stand upon the broadest principles of civil liberty ; and believing those principles and the fundamental laws in which they are embodied to be eminently favorable to the prosperity of States—to be, in fact, the only principles of government which meet the demands of the present enlightened age—the President has perceived, with great satisfaction, that, in the Constitution recently introduced into the Austrian Empire, many of these great principles are recognized and applied, and he cherishes a sincere wish that they may produce the same happy effects throughout his Austrian Majesty's extensive dominions that they have done in the United States.
The undersigned has the honor to repeat to Mr. Hülsemann the assurance of his high consideration.
THE LAUNCH OF THE SHIP.
BY H. W. LONGFELLOW.
Then the master,
And, lo ! from the assembled crowd