men, our tonnage doubled in a short period, we were not only very soon able to carry all our own produce, but to enter largely into trade abroad. Other nations, affected by our success, particularly Great Britain, devised means to enter into a competition with us in their own markets, and enacted countervailing laws, or devised duties equal to the amount which we had laid on to protect our own commerce. The war that has lately ceased gave us great advantages; for although new countervailing, duties, and to an extent perhaps not authorised by existing treaty, were laid, yet as their tonnage was subject to a high war insurance, from which ours was exempt, we retained our advantage during the war; which having now changed the relative state of things, as well with Great Britain as with other nations, it is incumbent on us to provide new means to guard our trade, and retain it in our own hands. By the operation of the existing laws of Great Britain laying countervailing duties they possess an advantage so great, as to make a difference of 18 dollars in their favour upon the freight of every hogshead of tobacco shipped from our ports in a British vessel; they will therefore have the whole difference of the market price in their favour against American shippers; and of consequence, if we do not make provision to guard against the contingency, the whole of our carrying trade may go into their hands, for every man will ship his goods for a market where he can effect it on the most advantageous terms. We were circumstanced in the same way with regard to France, where her regulations were never more disadvantageous to us than the British, though the state of her tonnage did not leave room to apprehend so much. He had it from high authority, that the difference in favour of the French tonnage in their ports over ours amounted to 10 livres in the 100, or about 130 on the hogshead of tobacco only, from whence it was evident that this step was necessary to be taken to bring us upon more equal terms of trade. The commerce in tobacco to that country is very important to us; to Great Britain we export only 14,000 hogsheads, we export to France 40,000 hogsheads. The present was the season to make use of our fortunate situation, and to provide such regulations as would secure to us that important branch of trade; no time could be lost with propriety on the subject, and the measures proposed by the resolution would give us the best opportunity to use the advantage. We are now in a very different situation from that in which we stood on the

passing of the discriminating law: at that time we had an insufficiency of tonnage, and it was necessary to create a competent quantity; that has been effected, and we have now tonnage sufficient to carry on all our trade under judicious regulations, and it is our interest to seek the means by which we can start upon equal terms with them in our own and in their ports. We are competent to enter into such an amicable contest. Our spirit of enterprise and the skill of our maritime citizens are equal, if not superior, to any in the world; and it is becoming our circumstances and situation to shun a mercantile warfare, while we seek a generous emulation of skill, industry, and enterprise. We want to enter the ports of other nations much more than they want to enter ours. He that can carry cheapest and best will have the advantage. We not only build cheaper than other nations, but we build better, and sail with fewer hands. We need, therefore, no other than* equal terms to start upon."

That the government of America is particularly attentive to its carrying trade, and feelingly alive to future advantages which it may derive, is obvious from the following passage in Mr. President Jefferson's address to Congress on the 15th December, 1802:-"We find in some parts of Europe, monopolising discriminations, which, in the form of duties, tend effectually to prohibit the carrying thither our own produce in our own vessels. From existing amities, and a spirit of justice, it is hoped that friendly discussion will produce a fair and adequate reciprocity. But should false calculation of interest defeat our hope, it rests with the legislature to decide whether they will meet inequalities abroad with countervailing inequalities at home, or provide for the evil in any other way.

"It is with satisfaction I lay before you an act of the British parliament, anticipating this subject, so far as to authorise a mutual abolition of the duties, and countervailing duties, permitted under the treaty of 1794. It shews on their part a spirit of justice and friendly accommodation, which it is our duty and our interest to cultivate with all nations. Whether this will pro duce a due equality in the navigation between the two countries, is a subject for your Consideration."

It is evident from the subsequent concessions made to the government of the United States by Great Britain, that those in 1802 were deemed insufficient, and not finding the yielding system which pervaded lord Sidmouth's administration adopted by the late British government, the Non-importation act passed the Congress. and it is to be apprehended it has produced on our present ministry the effect intended; and although lord Auckland and lord Holland were only appointed commissioners to negotiate with the American ministers in September last, yet it appears from lord Howick's letter to the lord-mayor that the differences between the two countries have been adjusted within a period of less than four months. It will of course afford great exultation and triumph to Mr. president Jefferson, though he may be surprised at the facility with which the claims of his country have been acceded to by Great Britain, as it is evident, by the following message to Congress, he did not expect the differences between the two countries would have been so speedily adjusted.

“Mr. Grisweld was still unsatisfied by the reasons given by the General. He agreed that it was desirable to secure as much of the foreign trade as we could to our own vessels, and if he could be persuaded that a repeal of the discriminating duties would effect that purpose, or that their continuance would exclude us from our own carrying trade, he would assuredly vote for the resolution. But he had heard nothing to satisfy him on that point. With Great Britain, he believed, no such measure could be effected in that way, and he questioned if it would prove more advantageous with other nations, as they pursue their own measures, whatever laws we might adopt or repeal. It was true, that in Great Britain our tobacco trade was subjected to the disadvantage of heavy duties; but it should be recollected that comparatively little tobacco is consumed in Great Britain: in the north and other parts of Europe the consumption was much greater. Tobacco landed in England, therefore, was not all subjected to their heavy duties, because whatever was exported had the duties returned by way of drawback; so that our tobacco trade thither in American bottoms stood exactly upon the same charges to which the British bottoms are sub

SPECIAL MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT TO THE CONGRESS.

To the Senate and House of Representation of the United States of America. "I have the satisfaction to inform you that the negotiation depending between the United States and the government of Great Britain is proceeding in the spirit of friendship and accommodation which promises à result of mutual advantages. Delays, indeed, have taken place, occasioned by the long illness and subsequent death of the British minister charged with that duty. But the commissioners appointed by that government to resume the negotiation shew every disposition to hasten its progress; it is bowever a work of time, as many arrangements are necessary to place our future barmony on stable grounds. In the mean time, we find by the communication of our plenipotentiaries, that a temporary suspension of the act of the last session, prohibiting certain importations, would, as a mark of candid disposition on our part, and of confidence in the temper and views with which they have been met, have a happy effect on its course. A step so friendly would afford farther evidence that all the proceedings have flown from views of justice and conciliation, and that we give them willingly, that which may best meet corresponding dispositions.

"Add to this, that the same motives which produced the postponement of the act till the 15th November last are in favour of its further suspension. And as we have reason to hope that it may soon yield to arrangements of mutual concert and convenience, justice seems to require that the same measures may be dealt out to the few cases which may fall within its short course, as to all others preceding and following it. I cannot, therefore, but recommend the suspension of this act for a reasonable time, on considerations of justice, amity, and the public interests.

"Dec. 3, 1806.

(Signed)

THOS. JEFFERSON."

jected. If we repeal the law laying discriminating duties, then we permit British ships to come into our ports upon equal terms with our own, and the consequence will be that they will then become our carriers. In France, likewise, there is little likelihood of advantage accruing by the repeal. In that country the tobacco trade was a monopoly of the Farmers-General, and no one but them could import tobacco into France: it was probable that the same regulations would exist in one shape or another in future, and that we should not be likely to obtain better terms by the repeal of our law. If we could secure the carriage of our own commerce by any reasonable measures, it would make him very happy; but he did not believe the measure proposed to be calculated for such an effect, and he was not disposed to run rashly into the repeal; he was not prepared to give his consent to the resolution, and particularly as it was not much detailed; it was constructed so loose as to render it impossible to say how or by whom the regulation is to be defined, or its extent ascertained. The carrying trade of our own country was to us all important, none, not all the other was so much so. The British carrying trade was certainly much less so to them, it was of little value to them; but with us it is otherwise; our articles of home production are all bulky and require large tonnage, such as rice, flour, tobacco, fish, &c. and it was requisite to retain duties which gave them a decided preference. He was not prepared to agree to the resolutions, and would rather prefer the appointment of a committee to investigate and report upon the subject."

N. B. Since the year 1800 there has been a further alarming increase of American tonnage: endeavours have been made, but in vain, to obtain the statements of it, which are laid before Congress. Had they been successful, the publication of them might probably have dispelled the infatuation which pervades at this time the government of Great Britain, ere the whole of its carrying trade is lost, and with it the naval power of the empire: It is reported that the United States of America have now above one million of tons of shipping, and above eighty thousand seamen.-See an admirable letter on this subject, signed Civis, in Yorke's Political Review, 17th January, 1807, and many others in the former numbers of that work.

April, 9, 1806,

Read and ordered to lie on the table *.-A Letter from the Secretary of the Treasury, transmitting a Statement of Goods, Wares, and Merchandise, exported from the United States, during one Year, prior to the 1st day of October, 1805.

SIR,

TREASURY DEPARTMENT, April 8, 1806.

I HAVE the honour to transmit herewith a statement of goods, wares, and merchandise, exported from the United States during one year prior to the 1st day of October, 1805, and amounting to 95,566,021 dollars. The goods, wares, and merchandise of domestic growth, or manufacture, included in this statement, are estimated dollars, 42,387,002

at

And those of foreign growth, or manufacture, at 53,179,019

95,566,021

Those foreign goods may be divided into three classes, viz. 1st. Articles, on the importation of which no duty had been collected, they being free of duty by the laws of the United States, and amounting to

dollars, 1,641,725

2d. Articles liable to duty, and which were, on re-exportation thereof, entitled to drawback,

3d. Articles liable to duty, but which were not, on re-exportation thereof, entitled to drawback,

42,119,498

9,417,796

53,179,019

The duties collected on the importation of the articles of the 3d class, and which not being paid by consumers within the United States, are derived directly from the carrying trade, amount to dollars 1,531,618, exclusively of the additional duties, which constitute the Mediterranean fund.

* Of the House of Representatives.