the sense of the lords house: the commons would, by this Address, banish the duke, one of the house of peers. It is a judgment in law against him, and shall the king's brother be in a worse capacity than the meanest subject? Is it imaginable that the king will do it, when he bas the authority of the house of lords, to back him? And would you have the king put so severe a punishment on the duke as the law allows not? You cannot expect that the king will comply with it. &c. this being so fatal a consequence, let us avoid this first step-It is pretended, that the removal of the duke, &c. is the only means to facilitate the passing the laws we shall make,' but if by his presence he can obstruct those laws, how much more can he obstruct the Address! Meres says, that not one good law has passed, by the duke's influence upon the king;' but I will tell you one; the Test upon all that bear Office, &c. I believe the designs of the Papists, &c. and I believe they leave nothing unattempted to destroy the Protestant Religion. If the duke's interest be so great, why should you press the thing you may reasonably think you cannot accomplish? Therefore I move to lay aside the motion. Mr. Laurence Hyde. It is objected,' that the laws now passing may not pass, by the duke's influence.' I think I have ground to say, that any laws now in agitation, or others that may be prepared for the security of the Protestant Religion, will not be opposed by the duke. The two sons of the martyred king, the only surviving sons, now to be torn from one another by such a parliament as this! I speak for the king, and not for the duke. I move against the Address. Sir Tho. Meres. This last discourse weighs with me; the Solicitor and I shall find these Bills, &c. obstructed, and then we shall be both of a mind, that the king may be addressed to, to remove the duke, &c. Have not all our bills hitherto been obstructed? It will be objected (he tells you) That to take a lord from parliament will be a hard thing; but if you do not a great and difficult thing, you will never save yourselves as to indifference, methinks if there be a God and Salvation among us: the Papists take Scripture from us; they take sense from us in transubstantiation, and communion in both kinds; Popery sets up another government, imperium in imperio; it is against the interest of the nation; and as it is, it carries away our coin out of the kingdom, and if it be settled, much more. If the thing be tolerable, let us hear why; if intolerable, pray let us do this. We changed religion pretty well in Hen. vili's time, and Edw. vi. and in queen Mary's time all the clergy turned popish except about 160. About 40 years ago the church was in its height; and then we had changes in the late times of rebellion, and now we have a church of England again if we can keep it. We are a mutable people, and the Papists number is great. We see an Army of 20,000 men listed in the Plot; I am really afraid then, when such a day comes, that two-thirds of the nation will stand neuter, and so but one third part will engage for the Protestant Religion. They will save their stakes. After all, I end where I began. Let any gentleman show me that there will be no solicitations to hinder the passing of our laws, and that there will not be a proviso put in, that the execution of it will not be worth a halfpenny; let any man show me, that unless you do something that is sub-house. stantial and difficult, you do nothing. We know not what the lords have done as to the duke, and we cannot take notice of it. We are satisfied, both lords and commons, that there is a Plot; let us do our part. If this be not done, farewell any attempts to preserve the Protestant Religion! Mr. Finch. I fear the unanimity of the lords with us will be interrupted by this Address, and I cannot be for the removal of the duke. I hope and expect gentlemen will not think my opinion is for partiality, and my reasons are, that nothing is to be done to impeach the succession; and if the motion tends to that end, every man will be afraid of those means. One unkindness begets another, and if we think this prince not fit to be near the throne, Lord Cavendish. I fully agree that we provide for the safety of the king, religion, and our liberties, by good laws. But it sticks with me. I know not whether those laws will pass, till the obstruction be removed. The same reason I had before, that the duke is the obstruction, &c. will make me think so still, and take away all encouragements from our enemies, and therefore I am against the continuance of a standing Army; for it is easier with it, than without it, to change the government. I have an extreme veneration for the duke, for I think the dake had not the least hand in the Plot. I think his loyalty to his brother is without example; but his being next of blood to the succession of the crown, and what encouragement that may give the Papists, to take away the king. If I had the honour to be near the duke, I would advise him to withdraw. It has been said, that the duke has declared, in the lords house, that he will do it.' But we cannot take notice of what is said in the lords Since we have been making laws against Popery, the duke has still been in the councils. It is said, the duke may still influence the king by letters;' but surely not so easily as by his presence. I think we cannot answer our duty to the king, nor our country, if we do not address. Sir Robert Sawyer. For the duke to depart from that Religion his father signed with his blood! I can assign no other cause for this dismal attempt that has been discovered, but the hopes the Papists have of the duke's religion. The preservation of the present prince, and the establishment of the government, is the great consideration; and I never knew it denied by the supreme council; but certainly we are to deal with a great prince, and therefore we are to make as wise steps, as may be, in it. The effect of my motion is this; the encouragement the Recusants have taken, from his royal highness's change of his religion, has been the cause of these hellish attempts against the king, the government, and religion. When that is destroyed, you will see another kind of government. I would therefore have an Address to the king, to acquaint him, That, his royal brother being a Papist, is the cause of all this confidence in the Papists, and that the king be humbly desired to prevail with his brother to declare, in open parliament, whether he be a Papist, or not.' Sir Nich. Carew. I fully concur with Sawyer, at the beginning of his speech, That the opinion the Papists have of his royal highness coming to the crown, is the cause of all their insolencies; and that is the reason why I would have this Address, &c. made now, that his royal highness, by his presence, may not hinder the laws against Popery, you are about now; for hereafter, all the laws you can make will be to little purpose. When the Papists see they have such advocates for them, what will they not attempt? Sink under this Address, and farewell all; the safety of the king's person, our religion, and government! Mr. Waller. I think gentlemen speak their hearts in this debate. I think him a Papist in his heart, that gives an Aye, or a No, in this matter, that has not the thoughts in him of preservation of the king's person, religion, and government. The duke not only was abroad in the Protestant Religion, but his father was of it too. I have studied the Protestant Religion, and I believe that Christ founded the religion we profess, at his first coming into the world; and I hope Christ will find it here at his second coming. I would let this debate alone. There may be more danger in removing the duke, than in letting him alone. Some of the brothers of France went away in discontent to Brussels, and they said then, that Brussels did breed the children of France;' but they were all glad in France when they came back again. Absalom asked his father leave to go out of his court, and you know what followed. At court the duke will keep none but good company, abroad Catholics. I would pause upon this motion. I am not satisfied whether to give my Aye, or No, to this question, yet; therefore I move that you would consider of it. Mr. Harwood. He that moves to defer this question one minute longer, I believe him to be an enemy to his king and country. The Speaker interrupted him, and said, Such conclusions as these are uncharitable, and wonderfully unparliamentary.' Mr. Harwood goes on. The weight of the thing has so transported me, that I hope gentlemen, not of my opinion, will pardon me. I respect the duke as duke; but as he is a Papist, let every man lay his hand upon his heart, whether his being a Papist has not given encouragement to the Plot, &c. The duke has houses in the country, and loves fox-hunting; I would have him retire to some of them, to be out of the influence of these damned Jesuits. I am his friend, and out of good intention I would have him out of occasion of doing ill. Sir Tho. Clarges. I take this to be the greatest debate that ever was in parliament. Here is on the one side our Religion and Liberties concerned; and the duke on the other. But I believe this had never been, if the duke had not been a Papist. He is a good, wise, and virtuous prince, but that which grieves me is, that his goodness is made use of by the Papists. When that unhappy stroke is struck, that the Papists intended, he is king; and are not we all concerned to prevent that stroke? We see that the Protestant Religion has been attempted for some years. Address upon address has been made against Popery and the French interest; and the duke had engaged for the French interest against Holland and the Netherlands; one the bulwark of our religion, the other of our safety from the French greatness; and it is but eight months ago (as ap pears by Coleman's Letters) that the duke's eyes have been opened; but the duke's locks are cut by the Papists. One great Plot has taken; the duke is turned Papist. The king is king, and the duke is but a subject, and I would have the duke stay his time to come to the Succession. Act after act has been made to secure religion, and this act, now sent up to the lords, the duke may hinder. The two bro thers have parted formerly; one was at York, the other at Salisbury, in the plague-time; and, God be thanked! they came together again. I am told of five or six and thirty Pa pists, the other night, in the withdrawing-room; and this still will be more if not prevented I see several of the house that eat the king's bread, that are his servants; I hope they will be for the preservation of the king's person; for so long as the duke is about the court, Papists will flock, thither; therefore pray put the question for the Address. Sir John Ernly. As Coleman's Papers tell you of the duke's compliance to dissolve the parliament, so they tell you of money that bas been given for that purpose. I would know to whom this money has been paid? I hope all Coleman's Papers are not evidence, though Mr. Oates's is, who cleared the duke in the matter of the Plot. As to liberty of conscience, you know who are for that. He that is above water will hold him down that is under. The duke's hand and seal have been counterfeited. Consider what you do. If you turn the duke thus away, you put him at the head of 20,000 men, and then it will be much more in his power to do you hurt. The Address may be granted, or refused; if granted, yet there may be correspondence betwixt such relations; and, if not granted, possibly you will be discontented. Therefore you know not what this day's debate may produce in the duke, by a voluntary removal of himself from the king. There fore I would consider longer of the matter. Sir George Downing. You begin with punishment, before examination. Do not do that to the king's brother, which you would not have done to another. We once named a great person here, to be removed from the king, &c. and no crime was assigned against him. Another time there was a crime named, and no person, and you had effect accordingly in those Addresses. These wicked men in the Plot will expose themselves to your justice, and | you may meet with them; but, at this time, lay by this Address, that will touch the lords too near. Serj. Maynard. Two things are propounded; sequestration of the duke from the king's council, and sequestration of him from the king's person. He has of himself abstained from being admiral of England, and exercises that office as to the Plantations only; and he has promised in the lords house to absent himself from the king's councils. I should be loth, after such a concurrence amongst ourselves and the lords, to give any occasion of discord betwixt the lords and us. Suppose you vote to sequester the duke from the king's person; this Address, as it is no law, works nothing. You make no confinement of him by sequestration from the king's person. But I would not lose all this debate. The duke has promised he will retire, &c. He may dispense with that promise; the Vote of sequestration may do you hurt. The Address, &c. is not punishment for a crime. The Address is prudent caution, and, I fear, if made, and not granted, this will discourage people abroad in this way of proceeding. I think verily, the great encouragement of the papists is from the duke. The Council of Lateran, and 4 or 5 councils agree, that killing of kings that are hereticks, is meritorious.' I will not go far into that matter; but in case there should be a division between the two houses upon this, it will put a great discouragement upon people as to the prosecution of the Plot, and in their fears of popery. a Sir Philip Warwick. I believe popery is a confederacy against God, and against the kingdom. I believe, if this horrid Plot had come to effect, it might have converted the duke to our religion. He is our king in presumptive Succession, and let us use him like such a one. Sir Henry Capel. The duke has made the advance to the parliament by his behaviour, in informing the lords he will retire. Let us not cast him out of our arms. It is entirely necessary that we be unanimous. If we once divide, we give him all the advantage against us imaginable. I have great respect for his person. His father, with my father, suffered in the Rebellion; but if I cannot separate my interest from his person, I must divide from him. We all agree as to making such laws, that, should the duke be king, it might not be in his power to prejudice the protestant religion. move, therefore, not to lose the fruit • Lord Capel. of this debate; and as you have been told, he has removed himself from the king's councils, you may agree to that; and as for removing him from the king's person, adjourn that debate to another time. Col. Titus. There are ways to make things look tragical. We are told of tearing the duke from the king;' but that is not the question, but Whether the duke shall withdraw from the king's person, for some time, till some laws are passed, which we fear he may obstruct. If I suspected that my father would set my house on fire, I would take the brand out of his hand, but I would not cut his throat; and if he, that is at the helm, would run the ship upon a rock, I would take him from it. Mr. Sacheverell. If this be so tender a matter, I wonder, now the safety of the kingdom is in danger, we should put it off for two or three days. I have read a little in the law, but I would have the gentlemen of the long robe tell me, whether any degree or quality whatsoever, of any subject, can patronize any correspondence with the king's enemies? or whether the king and the parliament may not dispose of the succession of the crown? and whether it be not præmunire to say the contrary? let them resolve this question, whether there has not been a male-management? if not in the king's ministers for some years past, let them name the persons who have had the influence over affairs. But as to the point of the Address, I am not satisfied whether it be our interest; but if it be, I will go higher and higher. The debate was adjourned to the 8th. Nov. 8. Sir John Coventry. We talk here of Popery, and the heir of the crown protects papists. I move for the business of the day, about removing the duke. There are papists now walking about the court of requests. Mr. Sec. Coventry. I know not what that gentleman would have. There is all the care taken imaginable to clear the court of papists, night and day, by the council. One man drops a letter in an entry at Whitehall as a papist, another as a protestant, and takes liberty to impute any crimes to any man or woman whatsoever. I know not what can be more done than is done already. Mr. Sec. Williamson. When it shall please God (as in the course of nature) that we lose the king, you may be fortified with such laws as may be for yours and his safety. The king, may say, will say something to you of this I nature to-morrow. Sir Tho. Meres. I think those papists walking in the Hall is a contempt of the king's proclamation. It is no great matter for them to go ten miles out of town. If you do not something immediately, you will show remissness. Suppose the case had not been a papist, but a fanatic; he would have been otherwise used. This ought, this very hour, to be punished, or we cannot sit here with honour or safety. Sir Wm. Hickman. If the papists intend mischief, they will strike presently; therefore, as Meres has moved, I would not be baffled in the proclamation, but take present remedy to secure yourselves from these mens attempts. You cannot else be safe. not my power, nor the just rights of any Protestant Successor,) shall find from me a ready concurrence. And I desire you withal, to think of some more effectual means for the conviction of Popish Recusants, and to expedite your councils as fast as you can, that the world may see our unanimity; and that I may have an opportunity of shewing you how ready I am to do any thing, that may give comfort and satisfaction to such dutiful and loyal subjects." The debate was again adjourned to the 14th. Coleman's further Examination.] Sir Henry Capel reported from the Committee, appointed to examine Mr. Coleman in Newgate," That the said Coleman received of M. Rouvigny 300l. and of M. Courtin, 360l. for intelligence of every day's debates in parliament, and for keeping a good table. That he received Nov. 9: p. m. The commons went to the last session of M. Barillon* 2500l. to be dis- banquetting-house at Whitehall, and, by their tributed among members of parliament, which Speaker, returned his majesty their bumble and he had converted to his own use: that M. hearty Thanks, for his most gracious Speech : Barrillon had, on the occasion, pointed at se- To which his majesty was pleased to give this veral members; and that he had told M. Bar- Answer: "Gentlemen, It shall always be my rillon, he had complied with his Instructious. study to preserve the Protestant Religion, and That, at the end of the last session, he received to advance and support the interest of my of M. Barrillon 2601, more for Parliament In- | people." telligence. That M. Rouvigny, believing the parliament was inflamed by the Confederates against France, did therefore encourage him to pursue a Correspondence with members: to render which more effectual, he did treat with St. Germain, about a sum of crowns to be disposed of amongst them. That none of that money was received: that he entered no foreign Letters in his books, after his correspondence with le Chaise ceased: that he was to receive 30,000, on procuring a security for the Banker's Debt, which was afterwards reduced to 7000/. in silver, and 5000 guineas: of which he received but the moiety of the silver only. And that this contract made between himself and sir Robert Viner, Alderman Bakewell, and Mr. Whitehall, was verbal only. Signed Edward Coleman." The King's Speech to both Houses, relating to the Succession.] Nov. 9. The king went to the house of peers, and made the following speech to both houses: "My lords and gentlemen; I am so very sensible of the great and extraordinary care you have already taken, and still continue to shew for the safety and preservation of my person in these times of danger, that I could not satisfy myself without coming hither on purpose to give you all my most hearty thanks for it. Nor do I think it enough to give you my thanks only, but I hold myself obliged to let you see withal, that I do as much study your preservation too as I can possibly; and that I am as ready to join with you in all the ways and means that may establish a firm security of the Protestant Religion, as your own hearts can wish: And this not only during my time, of which I am sure you have no fear, but in future ages, even to the end of the world. And therefore I am come to assure you, that whatsoever Bills you shall present, to be passed into laws, to make you safe in the reign of my Successor, (so they tend not to impeach the Right of Succession, nor the descent of the crown in the true line; and so as they restrain * Embassadors of France. Bedlow's Narrative.] Nov. 10. Mr.W. Bedlow* gave the commons an account concerning the Murder of sir E. Godfrey, as also concerning the Plot. Then Bedlow read a narrative, which he had presented to the lords +. All "This Wm. Bedlow had formerly heen a servant to lord Bellasis, afterwards an ensign in Flanders. About Michaelmas 1674 he was sent for over by Harcourt, recommended by the English abbess at Dunkirk, and so by degrees became acquainted with the Jesuits, and was at last generally employed as an agent for them, and sent frequently with letter's into fo reign parts." Hist. of the Plot, p. 127. Burnet says, "Bedlow had led a very vicious life; he had gone by many false names, by which he had cheated many persons. He had gone over many parts of France and Spain, as a man of quality, and he had made a shift to live on his wits, or rather by his cheats. He was apprehended at Bristol, by his own desire, and brought to London, Nov. 6, where a guard was immediately assigned him for his security, and a pension for his subsistence, with a lodging at Whitehall." Rapin. "In regard to the murder of Godfrey, be swore before the two secretaries (Nov. 7.) in presence of his majesty, 'That it was committed in Somerset-house, by Walsh and Le Phaire, Jesuits, and two laymen; at the same time declaring also upon oath, That he could say nothing at all as to the plot that was then in question. But, on the very next day, being brought before the lords, by the king's directions, to give the same account he had done the evening before to his majesty, (that is to say, concerning the Murder of Godfrey) be all at once made a transition to the Plot, that two of the persons he had named as the murderers, viz. Walsh and Le Phaire, had inform ed him, that the lord Bellasis had a commission to command forces in the north, the earl of Powis in South Wales, and that lord Arundel of Wardour had a commission to grant com. missions to whom he pleased; that Coleman was a great agitator in the designs against the the Information he then gave at the bar, relating to the Plot, is fully mentioned in the Trials of the Murderers of sir E. Godfrey, and others of the Traitors. Address for tendering the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to his Majesty's Servants.] Nov. 12. The commons resolved, "That, there being an accusation of High-Treason against sir Wm. Godolphin, his majesty's ambassador in Spain, an humble Address be presented to his majesty, to desire him to call him home, to answer the accusation." To which his majesty was pleased to answer, "That he had already ordered his letters of revocation: and that he had a person in his eye, who he designed should succeed him in that service." And on the same day the commons presented another Address to his majesty, praying, "That a special commission may be issued forth, for tendering the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to all the servants of his majesty and royal high- | ness; and to all other persons (except his majesty's Portugal servants) residing within the palaces of Whitehall, St. James's and Somerset house, and all other his majesty's houses; and that there may be likewise special commissions issued forth, for tendering the said Oaths to all persons residing within the two Serjeants Inns, all the Inns of Court, and Inns of Chancery." The King's Answer.] To which his majesty returned an Answer in writing two days after: "That as to all his majesty's own Servants, all the servants of his royal highness, all other persons residing in Whitehall, St. James's, Somerset-house, or any other of his majesty's houses, except the menial servants of the queen and dutchess; as also all persons within either of the Serjeants Inns, or any of the Inns of Court, or Chancery, his majesty grants it. But as to the queen's menial servants, who are so very inconsiderable in their number, and within the Articles of marriage, his majesty does not think it fit. And his maj. cannot but take notice, that in a late Address from the house of peers, the menial servants of the queen and dutchess are excepted; and his majesty hopes that this house will proceed with the same moderation as to that particular." in all duty, lay before his majesty the Reasons following. "1. For the quieting of the minds of your majesty's good Protestant subjects, who have more than ordinary care and solicitude for the safety of your majesty's person, by reason of the notorious conspiracy of the Popish Party at this time, even against the life of your sacred majesty. 2. By your majesty's Proclamation, set forth upon the Address of both houses, for banishing Popish Recusants ten miles from London, there is no such restriction. 3. The discouragement it would be to this kingdom, to see so great a neglect; and the occasions that Papists would take to say from thence, that all our fears were groundless. 4. It is too great a countenance to the dangerous factions which are already come to that height, that it renders all manner of discouragement on that side necessary. 5. It is against the laws and statutes of the realm; which, as they are preserved and maintained by your majesty's authority, so we assure ourselves, you will not suffer them to be thus violated by your family and royal presence, upon the account of Popish Recusants." Mr. Secretary Williamson sent to the Tower.] Nov. 18. The commons being informed, that there were several Commissions to Popish Recusants, and Warrants also that they should be mustered, notwithstanding they had not taken the Oaths, and subscribed the Declaration, according to the act of parliament, and that they were countersigned by sir Joseph Williamson, Secretary of State: the notice of this raised such a heat in the house, that they immediately sent sir Joseph, as a member of their house, to the Tower. The King releases him.] This much offended the king, who the next day sent for the house of commons to attend him in the BanquettingHouse, where, in a speech to them, he told them plainly, "That though they had committed his servant without acquainting him : yet he intended to deal more freely with them, and acquaint them with his intentions, to release his Secretary:" which accordingly he did that very day. An Address to the King that he might not be discharged.] Upon which the commons imAnother Address to the same effect.] This mediately drew up an Address to his majesty Answer not being thought satisfactory, on the to present to him these Reasons of their pro15th the house proceeded to another Address, ceedings, in the commitment of sir Joseph in which they humbly advise his majesty, and Williamson, as a member of their house, viz. renew their desires, that the persons excepted" 1. That divers Commissions were granted to in his majesty's message may be comprehended in the same commission; for which they do, king; that he asking them, Why he had not been sooner let into the secret concerning the king's death,'-they answered, None were permitted to know it, but such as lord Bellasis nominated.' Here he stopped short, desiring time to put his whole Narrative in writing, which he said he had begun. And being asked if he knew Titus Oates ?' answered in the negative, without any reservation." Ralph. Popish Officers, and countersigned by the said sir Joseph, and delivered out in Oct. last, since the meeting of this house, and discovery of the present Popish Conspiracy. 2. Divers Warrants have also been produced before us, of Dispensations, contrary to law, for Popish officers to continue in their commands, and to be passed in muster, notwithstanding they have not taken the oaths of allegiance and supremacy, and received the blessed Sacrament of the Lord's Supper according to the act of parliament in that behalf: all which said warrants were likewise countersigned by the said |