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IRVING'S COLUMBUS.

A firebrand in their present forlorn situation. aded himself he should find a ready way | asperation of them might be fatal to the Spaniards thrown into their wooden fortress might wrap it in flames, and leave them defenceless amidst hostile thousands."

to the shores of the Ganges: The extreme severity of the season, and the miserable condition of his ships, compelled him, however, to abandon this great enterprise; the account of which Mr. Irving winds up with the following quaint and not very felicitous observaexpection: "If he was disappointed in his tation of finding a strait through the Isthmus of Darien, it was because nature herself had been disappointed-for she appears to have attempted to make one, but to have attempted it in vain."

After this he returned to the coast of Veragua, where he landed, and formed a temporary settlement, with a view of searching for certain gold mines which he had been told were in the neighbourhood. This, however, was but the source of new disasters. The natives, who were of a fierce and warlike character, attacked and betrayed him-and his vessels were prevented from getting to sea, by the formation of a formidable bar at the mouth of the river.

At last, by prodigious exertions, and the heroic spirit of some of his officers, he was enabled to get away. But his altered fortune still pursued him. He was harassed by perpetual storms, and after having beat up nearly to Hispaniola, was assailed by

"The envy," says Mr. Irving, "which had once
sickened at the glory and prosperity of Columbus,
heritage in the world he had discovered; the tenant
could scarcely have devised for him a more forlorn
of a wreck on a savage coast, in an untraversed
moment, from precarious friends, might be trans
ocean, at the mercy of barbarous hordes, who, in a
formed into ferocious enemies; afflicted, too, by
bed, and by the pains and infirmities which hard-
excruciating maladies which confined him to his
But Columbus had not yet exhausted his cup
ship and anxiety had heaped upon his advancing
of bitterness. He had yet to experience an evil
worse than storm, or shipwreck, or bodily anguish,
or the violence of savage hordes, in the perfidy of
those in whom he confided."

age.

The account of his sufferings during the twelve long months he was allowed to remain in this miserable condition, is full of the deepest interest, and the strangest variety of adTwo of his brave and devoted adherents unventure. But we can now only refer to it.dertook to cross to Hispaniola in a slender Indian canoe, and after incredible miseries, at length accomplished this desperate undertaking-but from the cold-hearted indecision, or paltry jealousy, of the new Governor Ovando, it was not till the late period we have mentioned, that a vessel was at length des"A sudden tempest, of such violence, that, acBut he was not the only, or even the most cording to the strong expression of Columbus, it patched to the relief of the illustrious sufferer. seemed as if the world would dissolve. They lost three of their anchors almost immediately, and the memorable sufferer. From the time he was caravel Bermuda was driven with such violence superseded in command, the misery and opupon the ship of the admiral, that the bow of the pression of the natives of Hispaniola had inone, and the stern of the other, were greatly shat-creased beyond all proportion or belief. By tered. The sea running high, and the wind being boisterous, the vessels chafed and injured each other dreadfully, and it was with great difficulty that they were separated. One anchor only remained to the admiral's ship, and this saved him from being driven upon the rocks; but at daylight the cable was found nearly worn asunder. Had the darkness continued an hour longer, he could scarcely have escaped shipwreck.

His proud career seemed now to be hastening to a miserable end. Incapable of strug gling longer with the elements, he was obliged to run before the wind to Jamaica, where he was 20: aven in a condition to attempt to make any harbour.

the miserable policy of the new governor, their services were allotted to the Spanish settlers, who compelled them to work by the cruel infliction of the scourge; and, withholding from them the nourishment necessary for health, exacted a degree of labour which could not have been sustained by the most vigorous men.

At the end of six days, the weather having "If they fled from this incessant toil and barbamoderated, he resumed his course, standing eastward for Hispaniola: his people,' as he says, 'dis-rous coercion, and took refuge in the mountains, mayed and down-hearted, almost all his anchors they were hunted out like wild beasts, scourged in lost, and his vessels bored as full of holes as a the most inhuman manner, and laden with chains to prevent a second escape. Many perished long honeycomb." who survived their term of six or eight months, before their term of labour had expired. Those were permitted to return to their homes, until the next term commenced. But their homes were often forty, sixty, and eighty leagues distant. They but a few roots or agi peppers, or a little cassava. had nothing to sustain them through the journey bread. Worn down by long toil and cruel hard. ships, which their feeble constitutions were incapa. ble of sustaining, many had not strength to perform the journey, but sunk down and died by the way; some by the side of a brook, others under the shade of a tree, where they had crawled for shelter from the sun. I have found many dead in the road,' Those who reached their says Las Casas, others gasping under the trees, and others in the pangs of death, faintly crying, Hunger; hunger!' homes most commonly found them desolate. Du. ring the eight months that they had been absent their wives and children had either perished or wandered away; the fields on which they depended for food were overrun with weeds, and nothing was left them but to lie down, exhausted and despairing, and die at the threshold of their habitations.

"His ships, reduced to mere wrecks, could no longer keep the sea, and were ready to sink even in port. He ordered them, therefore, to be run aground, within a bow-shot of the shore, and fastened together, side by side. They soon filled with water to the decks. Thatched cabins were then erected at the prow and stern for the accommodation of the crews, and the wreck was placed in the best possible state of defence. Thus castled in the sea, Columbus trusted to be able to repel any sudden attack of the natives, and at the same time to keep his men from roving about the neighbourhood and indulging in their usual excesses. No one was allowed to go on shore without especial licence, and the utmost precaution was taken to prevent any offence from being given to the Indians. Any ex

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It is impossible to pursue any farther the picture drawn by the venerable Las Casas, not of what he had heard, but of what he had seen-nature and humanity revolt at the details. Suffice it to say that, so intolerable were the toils and sufferings inflicted upon this weak and unoffending race, that they sunk under them, dissolving as it were from •he face of the earth. Many killed themselves in despair, and even mothers overcame the powerful instinct of nature, and destroyed the infants at their breasts, to spare them a life of wretchedness. Twelve years had not elapsed since the discovery of the island, and several hundred thousands of its native inhabitants had perished, miserable victims to the grasping avarice of the white men.'

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"Sometimes," says Mr. Irving, tney would hunt down a straggling Indian, and compel him, by torments, to betray the hiding-place of his com panions, binding him and driving him before them as a guide. Wherever they discovered one of these places of refuge, filled with the aged and the infirm, with feeble women and helpless children, they massacred them without mercy! They wished to inspire terror throughout the land, and to frighten the whole tribe into submission. They cut off the hands of those whom they took roving at large, and sent them, as they said, to deliver them as letters to their friends, demanding their surrender. Numberless were those, says Las Casas, whose hands were amputated in this manner, and many anguish and loss of blood. of them sunk down and died by the way, through

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these things,' says he, and others revolting to human nature, my own eyes beheld! and now I almost fear to repeat them, scarce believing myself, or whether I have not dreamt them.'

These pictures are sufficiently shocking; but they do not exhaust the horrors that cover The conquerors delighted in exercising strange the brief history of this ill-fated people. The and ingenious cruelties. They mingled horrible province or district of Xaragua, which was levity with their bloodthirstiness. They erected ruled over by a princess, called Anacaona, gibbets long and low, so that the feet of the suf celebrated in all the contemporary accounts ferers might reach the ground, and their death be for the grace and dignity of her manners, and lingering. They hanged thirteen together, in reverence, says the indignant Las Casas, of our blessed her confiding attachment to the strangers, had Saviour and the twelve apostles! While their hitherto enjoyed a happy exemption from the victims were suspended, and still living, they hacktroubles which distracted the other parts of ed them with their swords, to prove the strength the island, and when visited about ten years of their arm and the edge of their weapons. They before by the brother of Columbus, had im- wrapped them in dry straw, and setting fire to it, terminated their existence by the fiercest agony. pressed all the Spaniards with the idea of an "These are horrible details; yet a veil is drawn earthly paradise both from the fertility and over others still more detestable. They are related sweetness of the country, the gentleness of by the venerable Las Casas, who was an eye-witzess its people, and the beauty and grace of the of the scenes he describes. He was young at the women. Upon some rumours that the neigh-time, but records them in his advanced years. 'All bouring caciques were assembling for hostile purposes, Ovando now marched into this devoted region with a well-appointed force of near four hundred men. He was hospitably and joyfully received by the princess: and affected to encourage and join in the festivity which his presence had excited. He was even himself engaged in a sportful game with his officers, when the signal for massacre was given-and the place was instantly covered with blood! Eighty of the caciques were burnt over slow fires! and thousands of the unarmed and unresisting people butchered, without regard to sex or age. "Humanity, Mr. Irving very justly observes, "turns with horror from such atrocities, and would fain discredit them: But they are circumstantially and still more minutely recorded by the venerable Las Casas-who was resident in the island at the time, and conversant with the principal actors in the tragedy."

Still worse enormities signalised the final subjugation of the province of Higuey-the last scene of any attempt to resist the tyrannical power of the invaders. It would be idle to detail here the progress of that savage and most unequal warfare: but it is right that the butcheries perpetrated by the victors should not be forgotten-that men may see to what incredible excesses civilised beings may be tempted by the possession of absolute and unquestioned power-and may learn, from indisputable memorials, how far the abuse of delegated and provincial authority may be actually carried. If it be true, as Homer has alleged, that the day which makes a man a slave, takes away half his worth-it seems to be still more infallibly and fatally rue, that the master generally suffers a yet larger privation.

"The system of Columbus may have borne hard upon the Indians, born and brought up in untasked freedom; but it was never cruel nor sanguinary. punishments; his desire was to cherish and civilise the Indians, and to render them useful subjects, not to oppress, and persecute, and destroy them. When he beheld the desolation that had swept them from the land during his suspension from authority, he could not restrain the strong expression of his feelto Spain, he thus expresses himself on the subject: ings. In a letter written to the king after his return

He inflicted no wanton massacres nor vindictive

The Indians of Hispaniola were and are the riches of the island; for it is they who cultivate and make the bread and the provisions for the Christians, who dig the gold from the mines, and perform all the informed that, since I left this island, (that is, in less offices and labours both of men and beasts. I am than three years,) six parts out of seven of the natives are dead, all through ill treatment and inhumanity! some by the sword, others by blows and cruel usage, and others through hunger. The greater part have perished in the mountains and glens, whither they had fled, from not being able to support the labour imposed upon them.'

The story now draws to a close. Columbus returned to Spain, broken down with age and affliction--and after two years spent in unavailing solicitations at the court of the cold-blooded and ungrateful Ferdinand (his generous patroness, Isabella, having died immediately on his return), terminated with characteristic magnanimity a life of singular energy, splendour, and endurance. Indepen dent of his actual achievements, he was un doubtedly a great and remarkable man; and Mr. Irving has summed up his general char acter in a very eloquent and judicious way.

"His ambition," he observes, "was lofty and noble. He was full of high thoughts, and anxious

o distinguish himself by great achievements. It has been said that a mercenary feeling mingled with his views, and that his stipulations with the Spanish Court were selfish and avaricious. The charge is inconsiderate and unjust. He aimed at dignity and wealth in the same lofty spirit in which he sought renown; and the gains that promised to arise from his discoveries, he intended to appropriate in the same princely and pious spirit in which they were demanded. He contemplated works and achievements of benevolence and religion: vast contributions for the relief of the poor of his native city; the foundation of churches, where masses should be said for the souls of the departed; and armies for the recovery of the holy sepulchre in Palestine.

"In his testament, he enjoined on his son Diego, and whoever after him should inherit his estates, whatever dignities and titles might afterwards be granted by the king, always to sign himself simply the Admiral,' by way of perpetuating in the family its real source of greatness." "He was devoutly pious; religion mingled with the whole course of his thoughts and actions, and shines forth in all his most private and unstudied writings. Whenever he made any great discovery, he celebrated it by solemn thanks to God. The voice of prayer and melody of praise rose from his ships when he first beheld the New World, and his first action on landing was to prostrate himself upon the earth and return thanksgivings. Every evening, the Salve Regina, and other vesper hymns, were chanted by his crew, and masses were performed in the beautiful groves that bordered the wild shores of this heathen land. The religion thus deeply seated in the soul, diffused a sober dig. nity and benign composure over his whole demean

our.

His language was pure and guarded, free from all imprecations, oaths, and other irreverent expressions. But his piety was darkened by the bigotry of the age. He evidently concurred in the opinion that all the nations who did not acknowledge the Christian faith were destitute of natural rights; that the sternest measures might be used for their conversion, and the severest punishments inflicted upon their obstinacy in unbelief. In this spirit of bigotry he considered himself justified in making captives of the Indians, and transporting them to Spain to have them taught the doctrines of Christianity, and in selling them for slaves if they pretended to resist his invasions. He was countenanced in these views, no doubt, by the general opinion of the age. But it is not the intention of the author to justify Columbus on a point where it is inexcusable to err. Let it remain a blot on his iilustrious name, and let others derive a lesson from it."

He was a man, too, undoubtedly, as all truly great men have been, of an imaginative and sensitive temperament-something, as Mr. Irving has well remarked, even of a visionary-but a visionary of a high and lofty order, controlling his ardent imagination by a powerful judgment and great practical sagacity, and deriving not only a noble delight but signal accessions of knowledge from this vigour and activity of his fancy.

of glory would have broke upon his mind could he have known that he had indeed discovered a new continent, equal to the whole of the old world in magnitude, and separated by two vast oceans from all the earth hitherto known by civilised man! And how would his magnanimous spirit have been consoled, amidst the afflictions of age and the cares of penury, the neglect of a fickle public, and the injustice of an ungrateful king, could he have anticipated the splendid empires which were to spread over the beautiful world he had discovered; and the nations, and tongues, and languages which were to fill its lands with his renown, and to revere and bless his name to the latest poste-ity!'

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The appendix to Mr. Irving's work, which occupies the greater part of the last volrine, contains most of the original matter which his learning and research have enabled him to bring to bear on the principal subject, and constitutes indeed a miscellany of a singularly curious and interesting description. It consists, besides very copious and elaborate accounts of the family and descendants of Columbus, principally of extracts and critiques of the discoveries of earlier or contemporary navigators-the voyages of the Carthaginians and the Scandinavians, of Behem, the Pinzons, Amerigo Vespucci, and others-with some very curious remarks on the travels of Marco Polo, and Mandeville-a dissertation on the ships used by Columbus and his contemporaries on the Atalantis of Plato-the imaginary island of St. Brandan, and of the Seven Cities-together with remarks on the writings of Peter Martyr, Oviedo, Herrera, Las Casas, and the other contemporary chroni clers of those great discoveries. The whole drawn up, we think, with singular judgment, diligence, and candour; and presenting the reader, in the most manageable form, with almost all the collateral information which could be brought to elucidate the transactions to which they relate.

Such is the general character of Mr. Irving's book—and such are parts of its contents. We do not pretend to give any view whatever of the substance of four large historical volumes; and fear that the specimens we have ventured to exhibit of the author's way of writing are not very well calculated to do justice either to the occasional force, or the constant variety, of his style. But for judicious readers they will probably suffice-and, we trust, will be found not only to warrant the praise we have felt ourselves called on to bestow, but to induce many to gratify themselves by the peru. sal of the work at large.

Mr. Irving, we believe, was not in Egland when his work was printed: and we must say he has been very insufficiently represented by the corrector of the press. We do not recollect ever to have seen so handsome a Yet, with all this fervour of imagination," as book with so many gross typographical errors. Mr. Irving has strikingly observed, its fondest dreams fell short of the reality. He died in igno. In many places they obscure the sense-and rance of the real grandeur of his discovery. Until are very frequently painful and offensive. his last breath he entertained the idea that he had It will be absolutely necessary that this be merely opened a new way to the old resorts of opu- looked to in a new impression; and the auent commerce, and had discovered some of the thor would do well to avail himself of the wild regions of the east. He supposed Hispaniola to be the ancient Ophir which had been visited by same opportunity, to correct some verbal inthe ships of Solomon, and that Cuba and Terra accuracies, and to polish and improve some Firma were but remote parts of Asia. What visions passages of slovenly writing.

(June, 1827.)

Memoirs of ZEHIR-ED-DIN MUHAMMED BABER, Emperor of Hindustan, written by himself, an the Jaghatai Turki, and translated, partly by the late JOHN LEYDEN, Esq. M.D., partly by WILLIAM ERSKINE, Esq. With Notes and a Geographical and Historical Introduction: to gether with a Map of the Countries between the Oxus and Jaxartes, and a Memoir regarding its Construction, by CHARLES WADDINGTON, ESQ., of the East India Company's Engineers. London: 1826.

THIS is a very curious, and admirably edited | work. But the strongest impression which the perusal of it has left on our minds is the boundlessness of authentic history; and, if we might venture to say it, the uselessness of all history which does not relate to our own fraternity of nations, or even bear, in some way or other, on our own present or future condition.

Tartars to the Celestial Empire of China. It will not do to say, that we want something nobler in character, and more exalted in intellect, than is to be met with among those murderous Orientals-that there is nothing to interest in the contentions of mere force and violence; and that it requires no very finedrawn reasoning to explain why we should turn with disgust from the story, if it had been preserved, of the savage affrays which have drenched the sands of Africa or the rocks of New Zealand-through long generations of murder-with the blood of their brutish population. This may be true enough of Madagascar or Dahomy; but it does not apply to the case before us. The nations of Asia generally-at least those composing its great states -were undoubtedly more polished than those of Europe, during all the period that preceded their recent connection. Their warriors were as brave in the field, their statesmen more subtle and politic in the cabinet: In the arts of luxury, and all the elegancies of civil life, they were immeasurably superior; in inge. nuity of speculation-in literature-in social politeness-the comparison is still in their

We have here a distinct and faithful account of some hundreds of battles, sieges, and great military expeditions, and a character of a prodigious number of eminent individuals,-men famous in their day, over wide regions, for genius or fortune-poets, conquerors, martyrs -founders of cities and dynasties-authors of immortal works-ravagers of vast districts abounding in wealth and population. Of all these great personages and events, nobody in Europe, if we except a score or two of studious Orientalists, has ever heard before; and it would not, we imagine, be very easy to show that we are any better for hearing of them now. A few curious traits, that happen to be strikingly in contrast with our own manners and habits, may remain on the memory of a reflecting reader-with a gene-favour. ral confused recollection of the dark and gor- It has often occurred to us, indeed, to congeous phantasmagoria. But no one, we may sider what the effect would have been on the fairly say, will think it worth while to digest fate and fortunes of the world, if, in the fouror develope the details of the history; or be teenth, or fifteenth century, when the germs at the pains to become acquainted with the of their present civilisation were first disclosed, leading individuals, and fix in his memory the the nations of Europe had been introduced to series and connection of events. Yet the ef- an intimate and friendly acquaintance with fusion of human blood was as copious-the the great polished communities of the East, display of talent and courage as imposing- and had been thus led to take them for their the perversion of high moral qualities, and the masters in intellectual cultivation, and their waste of the means of enjoyment as unspar-models in all the higher pursuits of genius, ing, as in other long-past battles and intrigues and revolutions, over the details of which we still pore with the most unwearied attention; and to verify the dates or minute circumstances of which, is still regarded as a great exploit in historical research, and among the noblest employments of human learning and sagacity.

polity, and art. The difference in our social and moral condition, it would not perhaps be easy to estimate: But one result, we conceive, would unquestionably have been, to make us take the same deep interest in their ancient story, which we now feel, for similar reasons, in that of the sterner barbarians of early Rome, or the more imaginative clans and colonies It is not perhaps very easy to account for of immortal Greece. The experiment, howthe eagerness with which we still follow the ever, though there seemed oftener than once fortunes of Miltiades, Alexander, or Cæsar-to be some openings for it, was not made. of the Bruce and the Black Prince, and the Our crusading ancestors were too rude theminterest which yet belongs to the fields of selves to estimate or to feel the value of the Marathon and Pharsalia, of Crecy and Ban-oriental refinement which presented itself to nockburn, compared with the indifference, or rather reluctance, with which we listen to the details of Asiatic warfare-the conquests that transferred to the Moguls the vast sovereignties of India, or raised a dynasty of Manchew

their passing gaze, and too entirely occupied with war and bigotry, to reflect on its causes or effects; and the first naval adventurers who opened up India to our commerce, were both too few and too far off to communicate to

their brethren are any taste for the splendours which might have excited their own admiration. By the time that our intercourse with those regions was enlarged, our own career of improvement had been prosperously begun; and our superiority in the art, or at least the discipline of war, having given us a signal advantage in the conflicts to which that extending intercourse immediately led, naturally increased the aversion and disdain with which almost all races of men are apt to regard strangers to their blood and dissenters from their creed. Since that time the genius of Europe has been steadily progressive, whilst that of Asia has been at least stationary, and most probably retrograde; and the descendants of the feudal and predatory warriors of the West have at last attained a decided predominancy over those of their elder brothers in the East; to whom, at that period, they were unquestionably inferior in elegance and ingenuity, and whose hostilities were then conducted on the same system with our own. They, in short, have remained nearly where they were; while we, beginning with the improvement of our governments and military discipline, have gradually outstripped them in all the lesser and more ornamental attainments in which they originally excelled.

This extraordinary fact of the stationary or degenerate condition of the two oldest and greatest families of mankind-those of Asia and Africa, has always appeared to us a sad obstacle in the way of those who believe in the general progress of the race, and its constant advancement towards a state of perfection. Two or three thousand years ago, those vast communities were certainly in a happier and more prosperous state than they are now; and in many of them we know that their most powerful and flourishing societies have been corrupted and dissolved, not by any accidental or extrinsic disaster, like foreign conquest, pestilence, or elemental devastation, but by what appeared to be the natural consequences of that very greatness and refinement which had marked and rewarded their earlier exertions. In Europe, hitherto, the case has certainly been different: For though darkness did fall upon its nations also, after the lights of Roman civilisation were extinguished, it is to be remembered that they did not burn out of themselves, but were trampled down by hosts of invading barbarians, and that they blazed out anew, with increased splendour and power, when the dulness of that superincumbent mass was at length vivified by their contact, and animated by the fermentation of that leaven which had all along been secretly working in its recesses. In Europe certainly there has been a progress: And the more polished of its present inhabitants have not only regained the place which was held of old by their illustrious masters of Greece and Rome, but have plainly outgone them in the most substantial and exalted of their improvements. Far more humane and refined than the Romans-far less giddy and turbulent and treacherous than the Greeks, they have given a security to life and property that was

unknown to the earlier ages of the worldexalted the arts of peace to a dignity with which they were never before invested; and, by the abolition of domestic servitude, for the first time extended to the bulk of the popula tion those higher capacities and enjoyments which were formerly engrossed by a few. By the invention of printing, they have made all knowledge, not only accessible, but imperishable; and by their improvements in the art of war, have effectually secured themselves against the overwhelming calamity of barbarous invasion-the risk of subjugation by mere numerical or animal force: Whilst the alternations of conquest and defeat amongst civilised communities, who alone can now be formidable to each other, though productive of great local and temporary evils, may be regarded on the whole as one of the means of promoting and equalising the general civilisation. Rome polished and enlightened all the barbarous nations she subdued-and was herself polished and enlightened by her conquest of elegant Greece. If the European parts of Russia had been subjected to the dominion of France, there can be no doubt that the loss of national independence would have been compensated by rapid advances both in liberality and refinement; and if, by a still more disastrous, though less improbable contingency, the Moscovite hordes were ever to overrun the fair countries to the south-west of them, it is equally certain that the invaders would speedily be softened and informed by the union; and be infected more certainly than by any other sort of contact, with the arts and the knowledge of the vanquished.

All these great advantages, however-this apparently irrepressible impulse to improvement-this security against backsliding and decay, seems peculiar to Europe,* and not capable of being communicated, even by her, to the most docile races of the other quarter of the world: and it is really extremely difficult to explain, upon what are called philo sophical principles, the causes of this superiority. We should be very glad to ascribe it to our greater political Freedom :-and no doubt, as a secondary cause, this is among the most powerful; as it is to the maintenance of that freedom that we are indebted for the selfestimation, the feeling of honour, the general equity of the laws, and the substantia. security both from sudden revolution and from capricious oppression, which distinguish our portion of the globe. But we cannot bring ourselves to regard this freedom as a mere accident in our history, that is not itself to be accounted for, as well as its consequences: And when it is said that our greater stability

* When we speak of Europe, it will be understood that we speak, not of the land, but of the people-and include, therefore, all the settlements and colonies of that favoured race, in whatever quarter of the globe they may now be established. Some situations seem more, and some less, favour. The Spaniards certainly degenerated in Peru-and able to the preservation of the original character. the Dutch perhaps in Batavia;-but the English remain, we trust, unimpaired in America.

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