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Let the Medical Professor lecture on Hippocrates and Galen.Let the Divinity Professor expound some part or other of Holy Writ.”—The Professorship of Anatomy was joined to that of Medicine, but this was no addition, as the Medical Professor was already bound to hold at least one course of Anatomy yearly, and to demonstrate upon a skeleton. A real step onwards in these branches, was in the Botanical Lectures, which, however, as well as the Botanical Garden itself, were quite in their infancy. As to the Examination, there is certainly a vacant paragraph in the Statutes after the directions for the Examinations in Arts, (headed De examínandis graduum candidatis in aliis Facultatibus) but when the further regulations were completed, and introduced with respect to Arts, no mention was made of the other Faculties; and the paragraph remained evidently an empty one.

NOTE (50) REFERRED TO IN PAGE 74.

Lord Bacon, the Father of Modern would-be University Reformers.

Lord Bacon is in fact the father of all modern opponents and theoretical reformers of all that the English Universities are and ever were in history. It is remarkable, that four centuries before, Roger Bacon acted very nearly the same part as his namesake; yet he had some nearer historical ground to rest on, considering the [more positive] character of the earliest studies in Arts. Among the many things said by the second Bacon to this effect, the following later expressions will serve as an example: "In the moral sentiment and established principles of academicians, of schools, and of colleges, every thing is adverse to the progress of the sciences," (Nov. Org. 90) a proof that the hints given almost twenty years earlier (De dign. et augment. scient. l. II.) for the reform of the academic studies, had remained ineffectual, although in the mean time, by the possession of the higher dignities in the State, he had arrived at a position to effect a practical application of his views, and although reforms in the academic studies had been continually carried on, but in another direction. Had his

principles found any favor in the the eyes of the academic ruling powers, opportunities were not wanting to recommend or prescribe such works as the Organon" either by statute or in some other official manner. However this was not done at the time, nor in the Oxford Statute of 1636; at all events, not in reference to the University studies, properly so called; and this was the real point. For, as far as regarded the preparatory studies of the Colleges, the Old Fathers and the Scriptures were sufficient—and it was only when these had been thoroughly studied and the further and higher scientific, developement was concerned, that the choice lay between Bacon and the Thirty-nine Articles.

Note (51) referred to in Page 76.

Petition from Oxford for Radical Reform of the University, in 1659;-Sketch of a Model-College.

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One document is interesting, from its analogy to very modern efforts and wishes. It was entitled A petition from some wellaffected persons in the University of Oxford, to the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England.* I shall extract a few particulars from this sketch of Reform. 'Every thing in the laws, instruction, customs and persons of the Universities, which could be looked upon as monarchal, superstitious and despotic, is to be done away with. Opinions are to be free. Republicans alone are to be Principals of Colleges: better were it to abolish these than leave them in other hands. Neither the Chancellor nor any ecclesiastic whatever, nor any person in authority is to exercise power, except under the strict control of the Government. All ceremonies, tending to enervate and beget pride" are to be abolished. public exercises are to take place in the presence of patriotic Senators, that these, when they may be seeking men for offices in the Republic, &c. may be acquainted with the merits of Scholars. Then follows "A slight model of a College to be erected, &c."—

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[Harleian Miscellanies, vol. vii. Sundry things by several hands, concerning the University of Oxford. London, 1659.]

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Funds for this "pattern college" were to be procured from the Canonries of Christ Church, &c. The Fellows were to have no other income, than what they earned from pupils, with occasional bounties for good conduct. Instruction was to be given only from prescribed text-books. Vacancies were to be filled up from Westminster School, which was to receive a corresponding organization. All students were to be acquainted with the grounds of the Commonwealth." Their studies once ended, they were to be employed in Government offices. There were to be Professorships for Theology, Civil Law, Politics, (to inspire a love for the Republic,) the Philosophy and Mathematics of Descartes, the Philosophy and Geography of Gassendi, Magnetism, Optics, Mechanics, Medicine, Anatomy, useful Logic, civic Eloquence (both in English and in Latin.) Good society was to be encouraged. A third of the Fellows was to go by turns to London, and become acquainted with the world, that they might be qualified afterwards, for embassies, &c. The others were to be employed as public teachers. Commentary upon these propositions is unnecessary.

Note (52) referred to in PAGE 81.

Expulsion of Locke.

The most detailed account that I have been able to meet with of this often discussed affair, which in Germany (as far as I can make out) has been so completely misunderstood, I have found in an official correspondence between the Minister Sunderland and Doctor Fell, who, as Dean of Oxford, was also head of Christ Church; in which College Locke was also a student. The correspondence is given in the Oxoniana (ii. p. 205, et. sqq.) Whether the King had any reason for his suspicions, cannot be investigated here: but it is absurd to deny or forget that such a thing is possible. When great philosophers mix in political intrigues, they share like other mortals in the disadvantages as well as the advantages of the trade: still more if they are entangled in it in their character of Philosophers. It may be doubtful

whether the King, as special Visitor of Christ Church, was strictly authorised to demand his expulsion, without proof against him; and whether the Dean was bound to obey his command; but considering the character of Doctor Fell, we ought not, without proof, to suppose a violation of the Statutes. That the proceedings against Locke were spiteful enough, appears from Fell's own words, which afford some traits of Locke's character not altogether unimportant." He being a person ill affected, I have for divers years had my eyes on him, but so close hath his guard been on himself, that after several strict enquiries, I may confidently affirm, that there is not any man in the College, however familiar with him, who has heard him speak a word either against or so much as concerning the Government. And although very frequently, both in private and in public, discourses have been purposely introduced to the disparagement of his master, (Shaftesbury,) his party, and designs, he could never be provoked to take any notice or discover in a word or look the least concern: so that I believe there is not in the world such a master of taciturnity and passion." The answer of the Minister announces the King's "will and pleasure, that Locke be forthwith expulsed." The whole proceeding and the state of feeling against Locke, proves how far political passions may be carried, even in academic circles, and in men otherwise perfectly honorable, when once the Universities are admitted to bear a political character. No one, however, who understands those times, would assert that there was no reason for enmity towards Locke. It is only curious, that party-instinct should have thus seen through this "master of taciturnity." We must observe that in this whole business, the College alone was called into play, and not the University at all.

NOTE (53) REFERRED TO IN PAGE 89.

That in the earliest Times, Oxford had a Chancellor of its own.

The analogy of the University of Paris, the nature of things, and well known facts of a later period, will assist us in the

establishment of this characteristic of the early Oxford constitution. Two documents of the time of Henry I. and one of Matilda, make mention of the "Cancellarius apud Oxenford," (vide Monasticon ii. p. 145, ed. 1819.) The date of these documents does not appear, but the two first must belong to some period between 1100 and 1134, which was the reign of Henry I. (Beauclerc.)

Wood expressly remarks that mention is nowhere made of any other " Cancellarius Oxoniensis," or "apud Oxenford," than the officer appointed to superintend the schools at that place; and this Chancellor is repeatedly named after the beginning of the thirteenth century so that it is evident that the officer above alluded to cannot be the Chancellor of Lincoln, but must have been the Chancellor of Oxford.

A document of 1201 is communicated by both Wood and Dyer, which contains the words "domo nostro Congregationis," alluding probably to the Congregation of the Masters. This is the first time in which the Congregation is mentioned; but we must suppose it earlier; otherwise it is impossible to understand how the intercourse between the Chancellor and the Masters should previously have been carried on. Before the middle of the twelfth century, scientific developement had reached to such a height in Oxford, that beyond a doubt, this assembly as well as the Chancellor, was already in operation.

The Paris document of 1201, and the Oxford Compact of 1214, which were referred to in our first volume, will have already given ample proof, that there was an ecclesiastical jurisdiction over both Scholars and Masters; and I will only venture on one further illustration of this fact.

In the year 1194, a Papal Bull bestowed upon the Archbishop of Paris and the Abbot of St. Geneviève the power of judgment in the money-matters of persons who were connected with the University, and resident within the limits of the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of either of these authorities, (v. Bulæus, iii. 500.) Ecclesiastical power was indeed, at that time, fully recognized,

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