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made answer, that the Governor-General and people of India had nothing to do with the India House ; and if I did not go back and join their pilot-service, to which I belonged, I should receive such a communication from the House as would be by no means agreeable to me. On the instant I penned my resignation, and placing it in their hands, then gave utterance to the sentiment that actuated me from that moment, till the moment I realized my aspiration—that I would establish the Overland Route in spite of the India House.— This avowal, most impolitic, on my part, as regards my individual interests, is perhaps the key to much of the otherwise inexplicable opposition I subsequently met with from those upon whose most energetic co-operation I had every apparent reason to rely.” The memorial concludes by stating that at the commencement of his career he had been possessed of property by inheritance, the whole of which had been sacrificed, and debts to the amount of £5,000 entailed upon him. This reference to money acquired by inheritance will probably remove the too common error, that Mr. Waghorn was born in abject circumstances, an idea which he himself seemed to encourage by an affected rudeness of manner and a boast of neglected education not at all warranted by circumstances. He was born of respectable parents, at Chatham, in 1800, his father being a butcher, who held large contracts for the suply of the navy, though the speculation did not prove lucrative. W. Waghorn himself shewed a ready enough aptitude for the acquisition of the requirements of his profession, having passed in navigation for lieutenant before he was seventeen, being the youngest midshipman who ever did so ; and during the whole time he served in the Arracan war and in the civil business springing from that enterprise, he acquitted himself not only with the bravery, but with the courtesy and refinement, becoming an educated Englishmen of the better class. What would have been the effect of the intended appeal to Parliament alluded to is now, of course, impossible to conjecture ; but it is to be presumed it would have been eminently successful, when we find that it elicited the strongest acknowledgments of its justice from Lords Palmerston, Aberdeen, Ellenborough, Harrowby, Combermere, and Ripon; from Sir John Hobhouse, Mr. Hume, and numerous others of all sections of politics, who have had personal experience of the affairs of our Indian empire. Another large class of the public had recently been added to Waghorn's admirers, owing to the ardour and judgment he iii. in the promotion of steam to Australia, which

subject continues at the present moment prominently to occupy the attention of Government and the whole mercantile community interested in the growing trade of the Pacific, the more especially since Mr. Charles Enderby has entered upon the revival of the Southern Whale Fisheries, from the Auckland Islands. Waghorn's accession to the cause of Australian steam, in furtherance of which he made express #. to Lord Clarendon, in Dublin, and to Earl Grey, at owick, being most encouragingly received by both, is owing *o Mr. Mark Boyd, and Mr. Boyd's discernment in securing the co-operation of so eminent and energetic a coadjutor as Waghorn, has been rewarded by seeing enlisted in that cause and the cause of emigration a degree of attention and sympathy that would have been otherwise unattainable probably for years to come. One of the last public matters in which Waghorn interested himself was the Diorama of the Overland Route, now being painted on a scale of unprecedented magnitude, by Messrs. Grieve and Telbin, for exhibition shortly in Regent-street. Such a subject naturally interested the pioneer of the Route, who highly approved of the drawings, gave many valuable hints to the painters, and was most anxious for the completion of what É. declared would be a splendid and graphic pictorial embodiment of the whole locale of his enterprise, variably familiarising the Cockney world with all the varying incidents of the scene, from Southampton Water to the mouths of the Hooghly and the City of Palaces. Few portions only of this stupendous picture did he live to see finished, and was much disappointed when he heard that it would be impossible to complete it before Easter next, at the earliest ; but the delay would strike no one but Waghorn as unexpected, seeing that the painting is some thirty feet high, and will cover an area of several acres, every object, animate or inanimate, being finished with an elaboration and effect for which the names of Grieve and Telbin are an ample guarantee. Lieutenant Waghorn has left no children, and his widow, as may be surmised from what has been already said, is in necessarily straitened circumstances. Whether or not will be continued to her his pension as lieutenant (seeing it is so long since he was on active service) it is impossible to say. There can be no question of the desire of the public that at least posthumous liberality should, in some small degree, requite such services as his—services to whose value sufficiently suggestive allusion will be found in these two memoranda endorsed upon a document presented to the East India Company on his behalf by his constant friend and admirer, Ald. Solomons, viz.:“News of the battle of Moodkee, reached London, via Trieste, six o'clock, P. M., 4th Feb. 1846, having left Bombay, 1st. Jan. 1846.” “News of the battle of Sobraon, reached London, 1st April, 1846, having left Bombay 3rd March previously. Average time now occupied between Bombay and London for the mails thirty-three days. The Enterprise steamer left England for Calcutta in 1825, and was one hundred and thirteen days on the voyage.” . That paragraph constitutes the noblest epitaph of Lieutenant Thomas Waghorn, and his country, it is to be hoped, will not be unmindful of the duty its perusal prompts to his memory and to his relict. After the foregoing was published the widow was presented with an annuity of twenty-five pounds a-year. Public scorn fell upon the shabbiness of the East India Company and it was increased to £100 a-year.


This nobleman was the colleague of Mr. Pitt, and engaged with him in the liberal commercial policy of his early ministry. At a later period he seceded and joined the Whigs, but not heartily. He drew up the protest against the Corn Law of 1815, which has for that reason been called the “Grenville Protest.” His character is thus sketched by Lord Brougham :— Lord Grenville was of Mr. Pitt's own standing, followed his fortune during the eventful period of the coalesced opposition and the first French war, left office with him in 1801, nor quitted him until he consented to resume it in 1804, preferring place to character, and leaving the Whigs, by whose help he had overthrown the Addington Administration. From that moment Lord Grenville joined the Whig party, with whom to the end of his public life he continued to act. A greater accession to the popular cause and the Whig Fo it was impossible to imagine, unless Mr. Pitt himself ad persevered in his desire of rejoining the standard under which his first and noblest battles were fought. All the qualities in which their long opposition and personal habits made them deficient, Lord Grenville possessed in an eminent degree : long habits of business had matured his experience and disciplined his naturally vigorous understanding; a life studiously regular had surrounded him with the respect of his countrymen, and of those whom the dazzling talents of others could not blind to their loose propensities or idle habits; a firm attachment to the Church as by law established attracted towards him the confidence of those who subscribe to its doctrines and approve of its discipline ; while his tried prudence and discretion were a balance much wanted against the opposite defects of the Whig party, and especially of their most celebrated leader. After Mr. Grattan, it would be difficult to point out any o to whom the great and fundamental question of rish policy, and the cause of religious liberty in general, was so much indebted as Lord Grenville; while, in the sacrifices which he made to it, he certainly much exceeded Mr. Grattan himself. He was enabled to render this valuable service to his country, not more by his natural abilities, which were of a very high order—sound judgment, extraordinary memory, an almost preternatural power of application—and by the rich stores of knowledge which those eminent qualities had put him in possession of, than by the accidental circumstances in his previous history and present position—his long experience in office, which had tried and matured his talents in times of unexampled difficulty— his connexion with Mr. Pitt, both in the kindred of blood and place, so well fitted to conciliate the Tory party, or at all events to disarm their hostility, and lull their suspicions— above all, the well-known and steady attachment of himself and his family to the principles and the establishment of the Church of England. When, therefore, he quitted power with Mr. Pitt in 1801, rather than abandon the Catholic Emancipation, the carrying of which had only a year before been held out as one of the principal objects of the Union ; and when, in 1804, he peremptorily refused to join Mr. Pitt in resuming office, unless a ministry should be formed upon a basis wide enough to comprehend the Whig F. ; the cause of liberal, tolerant principles, but, above all, the Irish question, gained an able supporter, whose alliance, whether his intrinsic or accidental qualities were considered, might justly be esteemed beyond all price. The friends of civil and religious liberty duly valued this most important accession : and the distinguished statesman whom they now accounted as one of their most owerful champions, and trusted as one of their most worthy }. amply repaid the confidence reposed in him, by the steady and disinterested devotion which, with his characteristic integrity and firmness, he gave to the cause. Taking office with Mr. Fox, and placed at the head of the govern; ment, upon the death of that great man, he peremptorily, and with bare courtesy, rejected all the overtures of ". King to separate from the Whigs, and rejoin his ancient allies of the Pitt school. Soon afterwards, in firm union with the remains of the Fox party, he carried the Abolition of the Slave Trade, and retired from power, rather than bind himself not to press the Catholic Emancipation upon the narrow-minded, though conscientious, Prince whom he served. Continuing in close alliance with the Whigs, he shared with them the frowns of the Court and the habitual exclusion from office which has, for the most part, been their portion in public life. Nor can it be doubted that the perseverance with which he abided by his declared opinions in favour of the Catholic question alone prevented him from presiding over the councils of his country, during, at the least, twenty years of his life. They who have come to the aid of the liberal cause only when its success made an adhesion to it the road to Court favour, with all its accompaniments of profit and of power, have a very different account of mutual obligation to settle with their country, from that which Lord Grenville could at any time since his retirement have presented, but disdained ever even to hint at. But they who, after his powerful advocacy, his inflexible integrity, his heavy sacrifices, had all but carried the Irish question, have come forward to finish the good work, and have reaped every kind of gratification from doing their duty, instead of making a sacrifice of their interests like him, would do well, while they usurp all the glory of these successes, to recollect the men whose labours, requited with proscription, led the way to comparatively insignificant exertions, still more beneficial to the individuals that made them, than advantageous to the cause they served. The endowments of this eminent statesman's mind were all of a useful and commanding sort—sound sense, steady memory, vast industry. His acquirements were in the same proportion valuable and lasting—a thorough acquaintance with business in its principles and its details; a complete mastery of the science of politics as well theoretical as practical; of late years a perfect familiarity with political economy, and a just appreciation of its importance; an early and most extensive knowledge of classical literature, which he improved instead of abandoning, down to the close of his life; a taste formed upon those chaste models, and of which his lighter compositions, his Greek and Latin verses, bore testimony to the very last. His eloquence was of a plain, masculine, authoritative cast, which neglected if it did not despise ornament, and partook in the least possible degree of fancy, while its declamation was often equally powerful with its reasoning and its statement. The faults of his character were akin to some of the excel

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