the 11th February, 1756, the ships took their stations, and next day opened so tremendous a fire, that the batteries were soon silenced. On the 13th the enemy delivered up the town, solely, as it appeared, through terror at this overwhelming discharge of artillery; for the fortifications, constructed of solid rock and huge blocks of stone, were of such strength that no weight of metal could ever have effected a breach. The treasure, ships, guns, and every thing constituting the strength of this piratical state fell into the hands of the victorious squadron.

The influence of the Mahratta confederation continued constantly to increase. Sindia and Holkar, on the invitation of the Nabob of Oude had crossed the Jumna, and invaded the Rohilla territory, which they soon overran, but were obliged to retire on the approach of the Afghan monarch. But it was not till 1760 and 1761 that those grand expeditions were undertaken which promised at first to make them masters of the Mogul throne, and extend their dominion over the whole of India. Having called forth, however, the strength of Ahmed Abdalla, they experienced those signal overthrows, particularly in the battle of Panniput, which we have already noticed in tracing the fall of that empire. The tidings of that fatal day filled all Maharashtra with mourning. The disaster pressed with peculiar weight on Ballajee Rao, who, having suffered for some time under declining health, fell a victim to grief, and died in June, 1761.

The office of peishwa was now become quite hereditary, and Madoo Rao, son of the deceased, was immediately elevated to that distinguished rank, under the regency of his uncle, Ragonaut Rao. This chief, afterward well known to the English under the familiar name of Ragoba, had already acquired considerable military reputation. Four years, however, had not elapsed, when the young peishwa showed a power and decision of character which fitted him for executing in person the duties of his exalted station. In 1764 and 1765 he undertook his celebrated expedition against Hyder, the triumphant issue of which displayed at once his own abilities, and the almost inexhaustible resources of his military system. He carried on also, chiefly through the agency of his general Trimbuck Mama, the other enterprise against Hyder which is mentioned in the

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history of that prince. Finally, towards the close of his reign, the peishwa again undertook to establish the Mahratta supremacy in the very centre of Mogul power. A great army under Sindia overran Rohilcund, and Shah Allum, who inherited the mighty name of Great Mogul, having exchanged the protection of the English for that of the Mahrattas, enabled this people to seize all that was left of the power which had so long been held supreme over India.

Madoo Rao made very considerable improvements in the different branches of government, especially in the collection of the revenue and the administration of justice. He could not extirpate the corruption which is deeply rooted in Hindoo politics; but he studiously afforded protection to agriculture, which, allowing for the inferior fertility of the country, was then more flourishing in Maharashtra than in any other part of Hindostan. The revenue drawn from the people is estimated by Mr. Grant Duff at ten millions ster ling, of which, however, little more than seven entered the treasury. The army consisted of 50,000 good cavalry, which, with the contingents of Sindia, Holkar, and other feudatory chiefs, might raise it to 100,000. They were followed to the field by crowds of irregular infantry, who were little better than camp-followers, and by bands of Pindaree horse, fit only for plunder, but very eminently skilled in that vocation.

Madoo Rao died in 1772 without issue, and was succeeded by his next brother Narrain Rao, a youth not more than seventeen. He was placed in a difficult situation: the office of peishwa, after having crushed beneath it that of rajah, was itself beginning to lose its unity and force. His uncle, Ragoba, was not likely to view without jealousy the elevation of so young a rival; while a body of experienced ministers, trained under successive peishwas to a thorough acquaintance with the affairs of state, were beginning to aim at the supreme direction. In these circumstances, a temporary and apparent calm was followed by a dreadful commotion. On the morning of the 30th August, 1773, Narrain Rao, having observed some unusual agitation among the troops, desired one of the ministers to be on the alert; but the warning was neglected. The unfortunate prince had gone in the afternoon to repose in a private

chamber, when a band of soldiers burst by an obscure entrance into the palace. They at first pretended that they came to demand arrears of pay, about which they had for some time been clamouring; but it soon appeared that they were impelled by a darker purpose. Narrain Rao, roused from slumber, ran into his uncle's apartments, and threw himself into his uncle's arms, entreating that he would save him. The latter at first appeared to interpose in favour of his nephew; but Somer Sing, the ringleader, said, "I have not gone thus far to ensure my own destruction; let him go, or you shall die with him." Ragoba then extricated himself from the grasp of the youth, whom, as well as a faithful servant that had clung round his neck, the conspirators instantly pierced with their swords.

All eyes were turned to Ragoba, as the person by whom alone this crime must have been suggested. For some time no proof could be obtained, till Ram Sastree, one of the most respectable and upright of the ministers, having collected various evidences, brought the charge so home to him, that he at length confessed he had signed the order to seize the person of his nephew, but denied having in any degree sanctioned his death. A numerous body of Indian politicians still believe that such was the truth, and that a more criminal hand made an alteration in the writing, of which traces were asserted to be visible. In these cases, however, the strong feelings of the public always adopt the darker belief; yet Ragoba mounted without opposition the throne to which he had thus paved the way, and soon after departed on an expedition against Hyder, who was in the field attempting to regain some of the territory lost in the former war. But during his absence on this occasion, the ministers, partly sharing the indignation of the public, partly seeing the opportunity of drawing into their own hands the supreme authority, entered into a combination for raising to the office of peishwa the unborn son of Gunga Bye, widow of the late peishwa, who had been left in a state of pregnancy. The lady was conveyed to the fortress of Poorundur, accompanied, it is alleged, by a number of Bramins' wives in the same condition, that in the event of the issue proving a female, a male child might be immediately substituted. Ragoba, meantime, had been completely successful in his war against Hyder; but learning the dan

gers to which he was exposed at home, hastily concluded a peace, and having endeavoured, by extensive concessions, to conciliate the nizam, hastened back towards Poonah. The ministers sent against him Trimbuck Mama, the most warlike of their body, who confidently expected to raise his military fame still higher by the defeat of the peishwa. He was fatally disappointed. That ruler, though with an inferior army, charged in person at the head of a select corps of ten thousand men, and in twenty minutes completely routed the army of Trimbuck, who fell mortally wounded into the hands of his adversary. Had the conqueror proceeded direct upon Poonah, where, on the arrival of the tidings, the utmost confusion and consternation prevailed, he might probably have resumed, almost without opposition, the power and dignity of peishwa. But, on the contrary, he marched northward towards the Nerbudda, in hopes of being joined by Holkar and Sindia, who had encamped in that quarter. By this step he lost a favourable opportunity; the government of Poonah recovered from its panic, and collected a force of 50,000 men, while by intrigues and high offers they had induced the nizam to break treaty with their enemy, and to co-operate in their designs. To crown their good fortune Gunga Bye produced a son, declared, indeed, by the opposite party to be supposititious, but now believed to have been the genuine offspring of Narrain Rao. At the age of forty days, the infant was formally inaugurated in the office of peishwa.

Ragoba's own army were so disgusted with the course he had followed, that they deserted in great numbers, and, after passing the Nerbudda, he found himself at the head of only 7000 cavalry. At Indore, notwithstanding, he met Sindia and Holkar, from whom he received a cordial reception and liberal promises, and was empowered to recruit his thinned ranks from their territory. He then advanced to the banks of the Tuptee, with the view of completing the negotiation into which he had entered with the English government at Bombay.

It was at that juncture a favourite object with the company to secure their possession of that settlement, by adding to it the port of Bassein, with Salsette and several smaller islands in its vicinity. Permission had been given to maintain an envoy at the court of Poonah, who was instructed to watch

every opportunity of obtaining these much-desired cessions. The Bombay government, on receiving the application from Ragoba for aid to restore him to supreme power, determined to employ it as the means of accomplishing their own purposes. It was contrary, indeed, to the directions and policy of the company to interfere in the internal disputes of the native powers; and the support of a usurper and assassin was no very creditable mode of realizing their objects. But these considerations were overlooked; and indeed on this last point their defenders assert that they were very imperfectly informed, and really believed Ragoba innocent of the murder, and the peishwa illegitimate. Even that prince, however, started when he heard the enormous conditions which his new allies attached to their assistance, particularly the cession of Bassein and Salsette. But, seeing that Sindia and Holkar, on whom he placed much dependence, had been gained over by his enemies, he felt the necessity of submitting to every demand of the English, who, in the mean time, had taken the liberty of possessing themselves of Salsette and its dependencies. In respect to their requisition, indeed, of a large sum of money, he was obliged to profess, what his circumstances rendered exceedingly probable, an absolute inability to furnish it; but deposited jewels to the value of six lacks of rupees, and stipulated the cession of an extent of territory from which the sum demanded might afterward be drawn.

With a view to the fulfilment of this treaty, Colonel Keating landed at Cambay with a force which was raised to 2500 men. Having begun his march, he was joined by an army, or rather mob, under Ragoba, amounting to about 20,000, bearing a very martial appearance, though quite incapable of acting with effect in combination with regular troops. The Indian chief was inclined to delay offensive operations; but the English urged the propriety of advancing upon Poonah as the only course by which the war could be brought to a decisive issue. They proceeded, accordingly, as far as Arass, where they were attacked by a large Mahratta force, composed chiefly of cavalry. The enemy made several desperate charges, and the battle continued long with various and even doubtful fortune, but at length ended in the complete repulse of the enemy. Colonel Keating's