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This innocent exchange of sentiment being discovered by Nana Furnavese, excited his most violent rage. He increased the rigour of Bajee Rao's confinement, and loaded Madoo with the severest reproaches. The high-spirited youth, in a paroxysm of grief and indignation, threw himself from a terrace in the palace, and died in two days. This was a most disastrous event to Nana Furnavese; for Bajee, whom he had done so much to make his enemy, was the legitimate heir. The minister attempted at first to parry this fatal circumstance, and proposed that the widow of the deceased prince, though she had not reached the age of womanhood, should adopt a son, whom he might establish as peishwa, and in his name administer the state. He found this measure, however, to be quite repugnant to public feeling; and learning that Sindia had declared in favour of the imprisoned youth, endeavoured to make the best of his situation by employing his influence in raising the latter to the vacant dignity. Bajee Rao, on the intention of Nana being announced, was so much surprised, that he obliged the messenger to take hold of a cow's tail, and swear by the holy waters of the Godavery that no stratagem was intended. He then repaired to Poonah, and was placed on the musnud. The reconciliation, however, could not be durable. The court from this time became a complete chaos of political intrigue, between the peishwa, who endeavoured to exercise his own authority, and Nana, Sindia, Purseram Bhow, and other chiefs, who sought to administer it in his name. These individuals appear in the confused scene one day united in close alliance, the next plotting one another's destruction. We shall not now follow the thread of these intricate transactions, nor encumber our pages with the uncouth names of humbler individuals who, amid the general confusion, contrived to thrust themselves into notice. Some attempts were even made to employ as an instrument the long-imprisoned rajah, whose title was still dear to the Mahratta people. Nana Furnavese, after passing through various fortunes, and being reduced to the lowest distress, was restored to some share of his former power, but died soon afterward, leaving the reputation of one of the ablest and most skilful politicians that India had ever produced; and there remained no individual possessed of those comprehen

sive and statesman-like views which were soon much wanted to direct the affairs of the confederation.

Even before the death of Nana, the court of Poonah had been placed for some time in a critical situation. It had been united in a triple alliance with Britain and the nizam, against the power and pretensions of the house of Mysore, and had repeatedly co-operated, though in an irregular and unsatisfactory manner, with the English in their wars with that dynasty. Lord Cornwallis, though he had much reason to complain of the conduct of their army, forbore showing any resentment, and granted to them a third, or equal share with the company and the nizam, of the ceded territory. When Marquis Wellesley afterward entered upon the last and decisive contest with Tippoo, he called upon the Mahratta government to fulfil the stipulations of this alliance. By that time, however, they had begun to cherish a deep and not ill-grounded jealousy respecting the rapid progress of the British power; and although they chose to temporize, their wishes were now decidedly in favour of Mysore. Nana strongly shared this feeling; yet he decidedly objected to any measure which might commit the state in a war with so formidable a nation. But Sindia and the peishwa, those young and ardent spirits, embraced with enthusiasm the cause of the sultan; and it is believed that a resolution had been formed to espouse his cause, when they were petrified by the intelligence of the fall of Seringapatam, the death of its ruler, and the downfall of his formidable dynasty. Then indeed every effort was made to excuse their inactivity as allies, and to explain away every symptom of a hostile intention.

Though the remissness on the part of the Mahrattas had been undeniable, Marquis Wellesley declined showing any resentment; he even set apart for them a portion of the partitioned territory. But he determined to avail himself of his present commanding position to establish if possible an effective control over this great and turbulent state. He tendered to them the share in the spoils of Mysore, coupled with the condition that the peishwa, on terms similar to those of a treaty just arranged with the nizam, should receive a British subsidiary force, ceding a portion of territory, the clear revenue of which might be sufficient for their maintenance. By this arrangement it was obviously in

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tended to reduce the Mahratta power to a state of vassalage; and accordingly, after some months of delay and evasion, the proposal was decidedly rejected. The governor-general, however, embraced every opportunity of pressing this wise and politic measure; and, contrary to what might have been expected, circumstances occurred which produced a favourable disposition towards it. The peishwa, the nominal head of the Mahratta confederation, and a prince of spirit and ambition, saw his power controlled and narrowed by that of the new military chiefs. Sindia, in particular, commanded a force much superior to that of his master, and began more and more to act as the real lord of Maharashtra, viewing the other as little more than a pageant of state. The sovereign had long objected to an expedient so hazardous both to himself and his people, as that of calling to his aid a foreign race, who had already acquired such an alarming ascendency. At length, however, he agreed to accept their aid, on the condition that the subsidiary force should not actually enter his territory, but take a station on the frontier, to be employed when he should think it necessary. This qualification was evidently made with the view that, without allowing the English to gain any real footing, he might use their name and the dread of their interposition to establish his own influence over the native leaders. Marquis Wellesley, however, conceived that if he succeeded thus far, it would not be long before he should accomplish his object, and resolved to accept the proposition. But events immediately occurred which enabled him, with unexpected facility, to realize his utmost wishes.

The rival houses of Sindia and Holkar, after recently emerging from the lowest obscurity, had divided between them nearly the whole military power of the Mahratta state. For some time they ranked nearly equal; but after Mahadajee Sindia had risen to greatness, his family necessarily acquired a very decided preponderance. The power of the Holkars, however, revived under an illegitimate branch, Jeswunt Rao, who by boldness, enterprise, and a peculiar talent for predatory warfare soon raised himself, notwithstanding the stain on his birth, to be the head of his house, and the leader of all who fought under its banners. Dissensions soon arose between him and Sindia, whose territory he did not spare in the course of his ravages. After various

movements the two armies engaged near Indore, Holkar's capital, when that chief was completely routed, with the loss of ninety-eight pieces of cannon; and his power was supposed to be so completely crushed, that Sindia very imprudently neglected any farther pursuit. No force is so easily or so rapidly recruited as that of the Mahrattas. The vanquished leader, having undertaken some inroads into the surrounding territories, soon rallied round him all the bold youths who delighted in plunder and adventure; large bands even from the ranks of his adversary, tired of an inactive life, flocked to his camp. In short, he soon found himself in a condition to march upon Poonah. Sindia and the peishwa united their forces to oppose him; and there ensued in the vicinity of that city one of the most obstinate battles recorded in the annals of Indian warfare. Holkar fought with the utmost desperation, and led his men to successive charges with such fury that the enemy were completely broken, and fled in every direction. Colonel

Close, the British resident, while the engagement lasted, hoisted his flag, which was respected by both parties; and next day he was asked to visit the victorious general. He found him in his tent, ankle deep in mud, wounded both with a spear and sabre. He received the colonel with the utmost politeness, professed a cordial attachment to the English, and expressed a wish that they would assist in adjusting his differences with Sindia and the peishwa. This last, however, whose courage failed entirely during the engagement, had fled to Singurh, whence he intimated his willingness to accede to the terms on which the British had offered to support him in power. He hastened to the coast, and embarked at Severndroog for Bassein, where he was met by Colonel Close. On the 31st December, 1802, they concluded a treaty, which may be considered as sealing the fate of India. The peishwa agreed to receive and support a subsidiary force sent by the company, while the latter undertook to re-establish him as head of the Mahratta confederation.

Expectations were now entertained that Sindia, who had been so deeply committed against Holkar, and had suffered so severely from his hostility, would concur in the treaty. On the contrary, both he and Raghojee Bhonslay, who had become Rajah of Berar, and was the only other very power

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ful chief of that nation, united in the resolution of vigorously opposing the entrance of a foreign power into the Mahratta territory.

In entering on the greatest war which Britain ever waged in India, and which was destined completely to establish her supremacy over that region, it is impossible to refrain from some inquiry respecting the necessity and the wisdom of this eventful measure. Mr. Mill, in a very masterly discussion upon this subject, argues, that the war arose out of the treaty of Bassein, which was manifestly the spontaneous act of the governor-general; and that the Mahratta chiefs, engrossed by their own contests for power, had no immediate intention or wish to involve themselves in hostility with the British government. The object of each was to obtain possession of the peishwa's person, and to exercise in his name a general control over the whole state. But an arrangement which withdrew altogether the peishwa from the control of any of them, and transferred to a foreign power all the weight of his name and resources, besides humbling their national pride, presented a common obstacle to the ambitious views of each chief, and was therefore to all an object of equal resentment. To the extent, therefore, that the war was voluntarily incurred by the British administration, the historian's argument seems quite incontrovertible. He goes on to maintain that the company might have safely looked on, and seen the different leaders waste themselves in internal conflicts, while, courted by each, they might have secured advantages to themselves, and held the balance between them. This part of the question, however, depends upon circumstances that are extremely complicated; and the arguments urged on the other side appear to be at least equally plausible.

It has never been denied, that a power which sees its neighbours engaged in war may be justified in interfering, either from generosity to defend the oppressed, or from policy, lest any one state, by conquering the others, should attain a dangerous ascendency. But the conflicts of the Mahratta chiefs now bore much less the character of internal disturbance, than of regular war between independent princes. The common national tie served little more than to inspire the design and hope of a general dominion,—the object which had obviously kindled the ambition of the