seldom indulges in speculation, consists of three forms, regno, opand he never relaxes into falseness timatium, and populi imperio. Such of conclusion from the violence of was that of Sparta in its primitive passion or the obstipacy of preju- institution by Lycurgus ; who, obdice. Human nature he studied serving the corruptions and deprain all its windings and aberrations. vations to which every of these He traced the contortions of hy was subject, compounded his pocrisy in the gloomy mind of Ti- scheme out of all ; so that it was berius ; he examined the gapish made up of roges, seniores, et popidiocy of the drowsy Claudius, ulus, Such also was the state of and displayed the feeble counsels Rome under its consuls, and the and the fluctuating conduct of the author tells us, that the Romans aged Galba. For this deep knowl. fell upon this model by chance, but edge of the human mind, and the the Spartans by thought and denecessary practical results, he was sign. not more indebted to the 'age, In the political opinion, without which furnished such materials of the exemplification of its truth in serious reflection, than to his edu- the republick of Sparta, it is evication and political advantages. dent that Tacitus concurred. He He studied law and eloquence un- has given no instance of any gove der Aper and Secundus, celeberri. ernment, in which he thought the ma tum ingenia fori ; he married original principles had been com, the daughter of Agricola, and by bined, so as to conduce to the genconnexion, as well as sympathy, eral welfare of the community ;. being attached to his father-in-law, but on the contrary intimates, that he profited from the plans, the no such example can be furnished. counsels, and directions of the il- No evidence remains, that he had lustrious conqueror of Britain. By studied the history of Polybius; but his political career he was partiy there can be little doubt that he fitted foran historian and statesman, had diligently read the very excelas besides what he himself de- lent work of a brother historian on clares, dignitatem nostram a Vespa- the affairs of Rome, who, as a siano inchoatam, a Tito auctam, a man,had been the intimate friend of Domitiano long is provectam, he Scipio Africanus; and, as an author, also enjoyed the consulate under had been praised by Livy and CiNerva, and was honoured with the As therefore Polybius confidence of Trajan, optimus eo praises the Spartan economy, as felicissimus Princeps. an example of his general spécuAmong the ancient historianslation ; and as Tacitus denies that and philosophers, whose opinions any government has existed, in on the mixture of the three sim. which the one, the few, and the ple forms of government into one 'many have been harmonized, I harmonious system have reached can no otherwise reconcile the difus, Polybius is highly distinguish- ference, than by the supposition, ed. From a fragment of his 6th that Polybius had reference simbook, as quoted by Swift, in « The ply to the frame of the commoncontests and dissensions between 'wealth, as built by Lycurgus, and the nobles and commons in Athens that Tacitus had either some noand Rome,” his sentiments may be bler establishment in his mind, or collected. “ Polybius tells us, the that, like a wise statesman, he disbest government is that, which liked the effect of the Lacedæmon. cero. ian model on the habits, intercourse, and general relations of the people. From the previous character of Tacitus, as a practical politician, it is evident he must have censured, rather than applauded the singular system of the Spartan legislator. He could not approve of a political plan, which made a whole community barbarous, ignorant, miserable, and proud; and forced the citizens to exist without the elegant refinements or even the comfortable accommodations of society. In Sparta the institutions and laws were, like those in Crete, most severe, and are thus characterised by Maternus in the Dial. de Orat. Quarum civitatum severissima disciplina et severissima leges traduntur. In none of the writings of Tacitus does he express any opinion of the policy of Lycurgus, except what may be gathered from the following passage in Ann. 3. 26. He primò (leges) rudibus hominum animis, simplices erant. Maximèque fama celebravit Cretensium, quas Minos; Spartanorum quas Lycurgus; ac mox Athenien·sibus quaæsitiores jam et plures Solon prescripsit. "Law in its origin was like the manners of the age, plain and simple. Of the several political constitutionsknown in the world, that of Crete established by Minos, that of Sparta by Lycurgus, and that of Athens by Solon, have been chiefly celebrated. In the latter, however, we see simplicity giving way to complication and refinement." From this passage it cannot be inferred, that Tacitus was particularly a verse or attached to the constitution of either legislator, though perhaps a nice reader of Latin might receive from the original an impression more unfavourable to the Spartan establishment, than is given by the weak and dilated translation of Murphy.. It is undeniably true, that Lycurgus mixed the three simple forms into one establishment. It was not indeed perfect. The preservation of the balance of power received no adequate provision. The senate was too powerful; the kings and the Ephori were too weak alone, and the legislator therefore contrived, by the solemnities of religion and the obligation of monthly oaths, to connect the kings and the ephori in alliance; for the former swore to reverence and observe the constitution and laws of Sparta, and the latter, in their own name and as representatives of the people, swore to obey the kings, as rulers, judges, and generals, and to preserve in hereditary splendour the honours and glory of the descendants of Hercules. By these means, but above all by the civil and municipal regulations relative to strangers, marriage, commerce, agriculture, slaves, &c. &c. Lycurgus restrained his community in tranquillity, gained renown for himself, and preserved the hereditary honours of the illustrious race of Hercules for eight hundred years. But the precincts of Sparta never inclosed the habitation of happiness. Every thing was forced,barbarous, and unnatural. Property was violated under the connivance of law, and adultery was sanctioned as the perfection of marriage. The slaves were forced to intoxication for an example to the young Spartans, and their murder was suffered for the incitement of courage and the acquisition of military skill. Study the nature of the Spartan ordinances, read the history of Lycurgus in Plutarch, and you will be astonished at the adoption and continuance of a system, which opposed all the feelings of our common nature, and swept away in its terrible progress all the 、pardonable prejudices, the amiable sentiments, and the honourable principles of civil life, merely to make giants of the men and Amazons of the women....who should consider war, as the definite object of society, and peace, as the improveable prelude of war. As Polybius among the ancients, so Machiavel among the moderns, has considered the Spartan constitution as a happy combination of monarchy, aristocracy, and democracy. In C. 2, B. 2, of his discourses on the first decade of Livy, this illustrious Italian, after observing that prudent legislators have endeavoured in their political systems to unite the three simple principles, and consequently to avoid the defects of each, proceeds to remark, tra quelli che hanno per simili costituzioni meritato più laude è Li-cungo, il quale ordinò in modo le sue leggi in Sparta, che dando le parte sue ai re, agli ottimati, e al popolo, fece uno stato, che durò più che ottocento anni, con summa laude sua, e quiete di quella città. Here the immortal founder of modern politicks expressly recognises the division of powers in the system of Lycurgus, which had been before extolled by Polybius; but it may be observed, that his praise is confined to the high renown, which the legislator acquired, to the duration of the scheme, and the tranquillity of Sparta. He does not praise the civil liberty of the citizens, for it did not exist; he does not honour the international policy, for it was full of intrigue, ambition, and war. A civil community ought to have a social relation to other states. It ought to delight in the interchange of such kind offices as its situation will allow, such as mediation in war, commercial intercourse, and every friendly political arrangement. It ought, above all, never to thwart the progress of internal civility; never to stop the increase of social relations and institutions; and never to prohibit the introduction and diffusion of the blessings of peace, commerce, letters, and arts. But in Sparta all intercourse with strangers and all foreign travel were forbidden; there was no trade, and no coin, but ponderous pieces of iron; agriculture was considered an ignominious employment, and was expressly confined to the slaves; the mechanick institutions were despised; literature was unknown to these "museless and unbookish" barbarians; their sole delight was in arms, for war was the study of the men, and warlike exercises the play games of the children. A state, thus insulated from the world, except by the continual disturbances which it excited in other communities, and by the ravage of its arms, which it terribly diffused, might well subsist for eight hundred years; for foreign enemies could make no impression on the city from without, and luxury and wealth could spread no refinements within. Sparta therefore existed in civilized barbarism among the Grecian States, not much superiour to the institutions of the Bedoweens in the African deserts at the present day; these marauders appear on the horizontal sands; they soon cry havock, and spread death and desolation in every village:; and when fury is satisfied, they sullenly retire with their spoil to the depth of solitude, meditating new pillage, and anticipating new enemies to conquer. In giving this relation of the Spartan Commonwealth, I have been guided by no prejudice. No writer will deny to the passive pupils of Lycurgus the virtues of patience, fortitude, heroism, magnanimity, and others of a similar nature. But all these flourish, like palm trees, in a savage community, and when unaccompanied by those qualities or virtues, which exist in a state of refinement, are decisive evidences of a commonwealth barbarous, warlike,and miserable. As, therefore, Polybius and Machiavel have considered the constitution of Sparta, as a testimonial of the actual union of the advantages of the simple forms of government into one system, and as Tacitus virtually differs from this opinion, by insinuating, that such an union has never existed, I cannot otherwise reconcile these great authorities, but by supposing that the former had reference principally to the constitution itself, and that the latter deduced its nature from the misery of the people, and disregard ed the mere form of the institution. Both were right in their several opinions, and the conclusion must be, that the system of Lycurgus, fortified by the code of civil laws and municipal regulations, was re BIOGRAPHY. LIFE OF RICHARD BENTLEY, D. D. Late Regius Professor of Divinity, and Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, Eng. [Continued from page 348.] Τιμιωτατα μεν και πρωτα τα περ την ψυχην αγαθα. ally an example of the combination of the original forms of government, that it lasted long and insured tranquillity, but that it was not formed to advance the comforts,the pleasures, and the refinements of society,and that therefore it did not de serve the commendation of Tacitus. This hypothesis may be praised as more ingenious, than exact, and the discussion may be considered, as more pleasant, than important. But I have never seen any notice of the difference between the historians I have mentioned, and therefore if my conjectures are false, they may easily be pardoned. With regard to the importance of the subject, different readers may form different opinions, but I am disposed to believe that it is always a matter of much concern to reconcile the jarring sentiments of great minds on interesting topicks, for it is surely unpleasant to observe the mighty guides of the world opposed to each other, because their dissension enfeebles their power, while their union gives energy to truth and authority to reason. QUINTILIAN. PLATO, de Legib. IV, its author Bentley had slighted, or treated contemptuously. Ker, in return, "Cries havock, and lets slip the dogs of war !" and while his resentment was warm published this quaternary of Epistles. The first of these, which are addressed to Bentley, contains ob jections to the Latinity of some passages in his dedication and preface to Horace. The purport of the second is similar, and exhibits remarks on the Dr.'s treatment of himself and of former criticks. In these compositions there is some just criticism, but it is mingled with too much ill-nature, and the author's resentment is too apparent. The Latinity is, perhaps, correct, coldly correct but the letters merit no commendation for sprightliness of wit, or elegance of Janguage. Bentley, in all probability, paid little regard to these publications, or to their authors. Whatever might be his private sentiments, he felt the dignity of his character, and the strength of his abilities too forcibly, to think an answer or a defence necessary. These attacks did not seem to influence his literary pursuits, or damp the ardour of his genius. In the course of this year he published a new edition of his emendations on Menander and Philemon, without altering the name of Phileleutherus Lipsiensis. He o mitted Burman's preface, and added to these remarks, his Letter to Dr. Mill, which had been published in the year 1691, at the end of the Chronography of Malela.* S We say perhaps, for we have not read them with sufficient attention to enable us to speak decisively. of criticism we have already spokOf both these admirable pieces en. We cannot, however, them, without expressing some quit regret, that the corrections of Hesychius, which he mentions in written and published. this Letter to Dr. Mill, were never additional dignity would the splenWhat did edition of this valuable Lexicon have acquired, when it appeared the auspices of Alberti and Ruhnsome years ago, at Leyden, under kenius, if the corrections of Bentof so many learned annotators. ley had been added to the remarks His vigorous mind was peculiarly adapted to such a task, both on account of his penetration and his boldness. He knew the depth of his own erudition, and seldom paid any regard to the cavils of inferiour criticks. book, intituled "A Discourse of About this time appeared a Freethinking, occasioned by the Rise and Growth of a Sect, called Free-Thinkers." tendency of this work, which was Free-Thinkers." The dangerous generally read, determined Benthis assumed name of Phileleuley to answer it publickly, under therus Lipsiensis. He addressed his reply to Dr. Hare, although Collins, the author of the book, had been his pupil. The title was, "Remarks upon a late Discourse of Free-thinking ; in a letter to F. H., D. D. by Phileleutherus Lipsiensis.' " Hare upon the care and secrecy In this new edition of his Epistola Critica, which was his first and, perhaps, his most learned work, the writer of this life observes, that he did not correct the few trifling zaggata which had escaped him, in the original edition. Among these may be numbered: P. 47, Iar for an P. 48, in the reference to Atheneus, Lib. XIV. for Lib. X. P. 52. Undecima Ionis fabula,porated into the text, or at least the reshould be decima, as he has only mentioned nine in his disquisitions on Io, the Chian. P. 80, Eungöratov is called Comparativum instead of Superlativum. Sed hæc levia fortasse. In the additions, at the end of this Epistle, the referen ces are very improperly made to the pages of the old, instead of the new edition. They should have been incor ferences should have been altered. It is a strange instance of carelessness, Editio altera emendatior. and especially, as in the title he says, |