courts. We have not room to exhibit an abstract of the argument, which nevertheless we recommend to our American statesmen to peruse and confute. We have already hinted at a reason for our forbearing to do this. We believe the ultimate settlement of the controversy will depend more on the actual situation of the parties at the present day, than upon the course of their former conduct and opinions, when their situation was exceedingly dissimilar. That' colonies should thrive in produce and wealth, because the mother country is driven from the sea, and abandons them to shift as they can without naval protection, and that the English colonies should droop and decline, in con sequence of the empire of the British navy on every sea, is certainly a strange assertion. The author strenuously insists, that this is the fact. English vessels are exposed to the peril of capture, and to war freights and premiums, and of course English West India produce goes dearer to market than the products of the enemy's colonies in neutral vessels. In this way, he says, the commerce of England, in West India products, is every where obstructed, and is nearly lost. But he insists, that the tendency of this system, to augment and man the marine of France, and to cramp and discourage that of G. Britain, is a still more disheartening and urgent consideration. The author supposes fraud on the part of neutrals, in covering enemy's property, to a much greater extent than American mer chants will believe is the fact.* Yet he undertakes, p. 102, to say, that his conclusion does not depend on the fact assumed. For "If the hostile colonies are supplied with all necessary imports,and their produce finds its way to market, the enemy is effectually relieved from the chief pressure of the war, even though both branches of the trade should pass into foreign hands, in reality as well as in form." He adds, that "the produce of the Weft-Indies sells cheaper at present, clear of duties, in the ports of our enemies than in our own."-P. 105. If this be true, we cannot see why the French colonies should not prosper beyond those of England. He tells us this is the fact; and repeats, as well founded, the boast of Bonaparte, That Guadaloupe and Martinique are flourishing so much beyond all former experience, that since 1789 they have doubled their population." Having in detail treated of the origin, extent, and nature of the evil, he proceeds, page 137, to consider "the remedy, and the right of applying it." "If," he continues, "neutrals have no right, but through our concession, to carry on the colonial trade of our enemies, we may, after a reasonable notice, withdraw that ruinous indulgence." One of the chief topicks of complaint in America has been the condemnation of our vessels, without any such notice of their being liable to condemnation. Indeed, if GreatBritain could make out a right to There is probably some misrepresentation, seize them, it appears, that it has and certainly some exaggeration of the conduct of neutrals, in this part of the pamphlet. There is also an evident want of correct information concerning the consumption of sugar and coffee in the United States. These errors seem to be less excusable, because accurate knowledge was easy to be procured, and it is admitted, by the writer himself, that the force of his main argumeut does not depend on their truth, been exercised with an unwarrantable precipitancy and unnecessary harshness. As booty,the prizes go to the captors; and even if the government of England participated in the proceeds, it cannot be supposed to be of magnitude enough to operate as a motive for the captures. "Nothing," says the author, "can be more advantageous to England, than the suppression of the fraudulent commerce of neutrals. But if it requires a breach of justice, let us inflexibly abstain." These are honourable sentiments, whether the author really feels them, or thinks fit, in order to give force to his reasoning, to affect them. He professes to think, there is no doubt of the British right to stop this trade. "Neutral ships. (he observes) when taken in a direct voyage to or from the hostile countries and their colonies, or in a trade between the latter and any other neutral country, but their own, have been always condemned by our prize courts, both in the last and the present war. These restrictions can be warranted by no other principle, than the unlawfulness of trading with the colonies of a belligerent in time of war, in a way not permit ted in time of peace." He asks," whether it is possible that neutral states, in peace and amity with Great-Britain, should have a right to persevere in conduct, which may, in its natural consequences, make England a pro ince of France ?" Supposing this to be the natural consequence, it would be difficult to prove, that a neutral has any such right: for the right of the belligerent to exist, is to be preferred to the right of neutrals to make gain. "With what intention," he asks," did the enemy open his colonial, ports to neutrals? The single, manifest, and undissembled object was, to obtain protection and advantage in the war, to preserve his colonial interests without the risk of defending them, and to shield himself, in this most vulnerable part, from the naval hostilities of England." "I see not," he continues," how any mind can doubt, that a co-operation in such an expedient, by powers in amity with England, is a violation of the duties of neutrality." He adds, that "this very motive for opening the colonial ports is avowed in the publick instruments, by which they were opened. With the first news of a war the orders of the mother country to open those ports are dispatched, as of course. Neutrals can shew no treaty, no convention with the enemies of GreatBritain, as a title to these privileges, that grow out of war, begin and end with it." Page 183. He considers the probability of a quarrel with the neutral powers, in consequence of the resort to the remedy he has recommended, i. e. of withdrawing the indulgence hitherto allowed to this trade; and he endeavours, 3dly, to vindicate the prudence of the remedy by shewing, that the neutral powers will not quarrel with England on that account. He firmly believes they will not, because he is sure they ought not. On this head, the writer seems disposed to speak of the United States with some respect. He thinks the Americans are a sagacious people, who will not fail to discern their interest; that they respect justice, and therefore will acquiesce in the exercise by GreatBritain of her just rights, as a belligerent; and that, being lovers of France lord of the navies, as well liberty, they will not like to see as of the armies of Europe. "But (he goes on to say, page 196) he would not recommend a total prohibition of the colonial trade, though he maintains the right of Great-Britain to interdict it without reserve. We might extend to all the French colonial ports the privileges, enjoyed by Americans at some of those ports in time of peace (which privileges he specifies); nay, we might allow such an intercourse with the colonies of Spain and Holland." "The farmers of America would in that case find the same market for their produce, and of course they would be on the side of conciliation and peace." But even a war with the neutral was near expiring; when the powers, bad as he admits such a British cabinet wished to make war to be,would be a less evil than friends ; and was discouraged to the abuses of neutrality. see itself without any ; there is no « Peace with the neutral powers is more doubt the dispute might have been likely, after all, (he says) to be preserved prevented. At any rate, it would by a firm than a pusillanimous conduct." have been anticipated ; and if our “ To conclude : a temperate assertion merchants had anticipated it, they of the true principles of the law of war, would have saved some millions of in regard to neutral commerce, seems, as far as human foresight can penetrate, tured and condemned. Thus it dollars, which have since been capessential to our publick safety." is, that the people have to pay for On the soundness of the doc- the national partialities and avertrine of this writer, it belongs to sions of their rulers. the ablest American jurists and If our administration should atstatesmen to pronounce a decision. tempt to frame a new treaty, they As the pamphlet is written with will not find in the federalists, we considerable ability, and no little hope, the same want both of sense Jabour of research; as it is thought and principle; that fostered and by many to convey the sense of the protracted the opposition to Mr. English government, and probably Jay's. The negociation, it must expresses the opinion of the nation be confessed, will be attended with too, it is obvious, that it will sig- great, we hope not insurmountpify nothing on our side, to attempt able difficulties; and no man of an answer either by sophistry or sense will expect from it the reinvective. Indeed the answer will covery of every lucrative, neutral no less disgrace than disappoint advantage, that we have at some America, if it should prove defi- times enjoyed. Our commercial cient either in candour or solidity. and political situation would be What can be plainer, 'than that much mended, if it were better as: nations, when they disagree, must certained ; if our merchants knew appeal to reason, if they will not what was safe, instead of conjecresort to force ? . If they do not turing in the dark, what is right, choose to fight, they must nego- what is permitted, or what will be ciate ; and if they negociate, they maintained .. must argue. Though our first si Great Britain most certainly is magistrate assures us, that reason averse to a war with America: is the umpire between just nations, She is not only interested in our yet with his unfortunate and very commerce and friendship, but dearunphilosophical antipathy against ly concerned to conciliate the exthe British nation and government, ercise of her naval supremacy, if and after all the false and silly it be possible, with the judgment things his adherents have said a- and conviction of the wise and able gainst the British treaty, negocia: men among the neutral nations, tion is understood to be the last Popular clamour, unsupported by expedient, to which our adminis- that judgment, will soon expire ; tration will think of resorting. It but the serious and steady censure is palpably clear to common sense, of the wise will, in the end, aug. that it should have been the first ment the hatred and resentment, For had an attempt been made to naturally engendered by her pow. negociate when the British treatyer, which will seek all opportuni. 1: ties to obstruct its energies, and will surely find some at last to subvert its foundations. Nothing, we know from observation and experience, proves so fatal to the duration of any sort of dominion, as the wantonness of its abuse. Great Britain, strong by her navy, by her insular position, by her liberty, and, perhaps, not less so by her justice, will desire, will endeavour, and ought really to make considerable sacrifices, rather than not succeed to gain, in favour of her maritime principles, the acquiescence, if not the applause of the well informed and fair minded classes of men in the neutral states. The American re-impression of this pamphlet is executed in a style of great typographical elegance, and prefaced with the following short notice. "It was intended to have prefixed to this edition, an introduction of some length, exposing, in a succinct manner, some of the sophistries with which this singular work abounds, by way of putting the reader on his guard against them; but as it is now proposed to follow it shortly with a formal answer, nothing more is thought necessary here, than merely to apprize the reader of this circumstance." CORRESPONDENCE. WE readily infert the following note, not because we are flattered by its politeness, but because we think it fairly closes the controversy, in which we have been engaged. What the writers may gain by Miss Adams's filence we are not anxious to inquire, fince we lose nothing, while our statements remain uncontradicted by the worthy woman, whose name we have reluctantly brought before the publick. NOTE To the Editors of the Anthology. THE Authors of the "Compendious History of New England," replied to the review of their work, merely to defend themselves againft falfe charges and infinuations, exhibited against them, which, had they remained uncontradicted, might have left wrong impreffions on the minds of fome of the readers of the Anthology. They had a right to expect different treatment front a body of men, who doubtless lay claim to the character of gentlemen and chriftians. With the author of the remarks on their reply they certainly can have no controverfy. They are happy that his name is concealed from them and the publick. They envy him not any fatisfaction, which he may now, or hereafter feel in reflecting on this tranfaction. The authors of the Compendious Hiftory feel no reluctance in refting their reputation with the publick, as to the matter in controverfy between them and the Reviewers, on the facts already publifhed. If Mifs Adams herself has any complaint against them, and fhall think proper to make it known to them, they will affuredly liften to it with friendly attention, and promptly do what in them lies to remove it. With the Reviewers, and every other anonymous writer on this fubject, they now take a final leave. Gentlemen, Jan. 22, 1806. YOU will pleafe give the inclofed a place in the Anthology for January, and oblige Your humble fervts. GILBERT & DEAN. OUR feelings having been severely wounded by the appearance of a paragraph in the Monthly Anthology for December last, concerning the miscellaneous works of Col. DAVID HUMPHREYS, and which did not meet our eye until the latter end of last week, we beg leave, through the medium of your Anthology, to express our gratitude to that gentleman for the humanity which first prompted him to present us with the work; himself having discharged every demand for paper, printing, &c. and the liberality with which he allows us the use of several hundred dollars, which we have received from the subscribers to his work, and of which he has never drawn a single cent-conftantly evading it, whenever we have requested to be permitted to settle with him. Of the abilities of Col. Humphreys, as an author or poet, better judges than either the Editors of the Anthology, or our felves, muft decide. As a foldier, and a patriot, he has deserved well of his country-and as a man of benevolence, he will be gratefully remembered by many; but by none with more respect and esteem, than his obliged humble servants, GILBERT & DEAN. MONTHLY CATALOGUE OF NEW PUBLICATIONS IN THE U. 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