master, not even the productions of the waste lands allowed them.' Surely their tender mercies are cruelty.

From the remainder of the volume, which treats of the tribes of Indians, of the diseases, of the animals, of the principal settlements, of the population, commerce, and government of the country, we need not extract any thing, as these circumstances have become of little consequence to us by the cession of the country to our government, or they may be found at greater length in the publick state papers since that event.

On the whole, this volume affords a great fund of information of that kind, which we most wanted, a complete character of the new subjects of our government. There is, also, a part, that may be serviceable to the mere merchant, and much of the characteristick levity of thought, united with vioJence of language, that will please every one.

ART. 66.

Biographical Memoirs of Lord Viscount Nelson, with observations critical and explanatory. "Sparsa coegi." By John Charnock, Esq. F.S.A. author of the Biographia Navalis, and the History of Marine Architecture, &c. &c. Second American edition. Boston, published by Etheridge & Bliss. 1806. T. M. Pomroy, printer, Northampton. 8vo.

THIS publication is merely a narrative of Lord Nelson's victories, diligently collected and compiled from the various official statements. It is a work, that must be ever particularly interesting to Englishmen, as it comprises a history of their greatest naval engagements, and the most important anecdotes of their greatest

naval hero, whose name will descend in glory to the latest posterity of Britain.

The original part of Mr. Charnock's labours in this production (the only part, perhaps, which can be justly considered amenable to criticism) is very limited; the e vents themselves having been previously related, and their arrange. ment following the order of time. This, however, is not so dignified, as might have been expected in the execution of such a task. His style is indigent; his collocation oftentimes impure. In many instances he obviously evinces a disposition to give importance to trifles, which tends rather to lessen, than augment the splendour of his subject.

We can say little only in praise of the "observations" in these me, moirs, and it would be unjust to judge them with all the rigour of criticism, since the author himself claims nothing but the merit of a faithful collector and reporter of that authentick information, which before was widely scattered under the publick eye.' His only design is, by this miniature representation of Lord Nelson, to correct the defects and mistakes of such miserable sketches as have already appeared, and to furnish an outline to those, who may in future be inclined to amplify on a subject, which affords such boundless space,' In conclusion he assures the reader, that if a work of this kind should not be undertaken by any one else, he may, at some future time, produce his best endeavours to such effect; to which he intends devoting all the leisure hours, which indisposi tion and private concerns may leave him.'

In the performance of such a plan, should Mr. Charnock retain his resolution, we wish much suc

The declamatory style in which the writer has, we confess, too much indulged himself, leads to exces sive prolixity.

He expatiates on the danger to the United States from the ambition and overgrown power of France. He insists on the fixedness of the commercial character of the nation, on the importance of commerce, and on the value of peace; and confutes some of the absurd opinions of factious men, in respect to our separating ourselves from the European republick of nations,and renouncing commerce. He gives reasons, very much at length, to shew, that we have every thing to fear from France,' and we could wish that every American, who has any share of sense and patriotism, would give attention to his reasons. Our danger from France is no doubt great, even while Great Britain resists her arms: But our citizens are not less sunk in apathy, than, according to this writer, the administration is in cowardice. If he had discussed this part of his subject with rather more temperance of manner, we think he would have made more converts. He is full of his subject, and sees the publick dangers, as they approach, with the eyes of a statesman, and the zeal of a true republican. But as politicks is every body's amusement and nobody's business, few readers, we are afraid, will volunteer it to get the heart-ache by too close and long contemplation of the insidious ambition of Bonaparte, and the unpreparing, perhaps unforeseen, pusillanimity of our administration.

We repeat it, therefore, we could: wish the style of this pamphlet had been more simple, and the matter of it condensed into forty or fifty pages. For it contains so many

good things, which our citizens ought to know and consider, and the writer appears to possess so much information and sound political judgment, it is to be regretted that there is any thing to obstruct its circulation.

The democrats have not been sparing of electioneering pamphlets, which are not only below all criticism, but they have not lived long enough to meet it.

This pamphlet has, we confess, many faults, but it has many excellences, and, in our opinion, it is one of its excellences that it is composed in a spirit of boldness, and with a vigour of conception to denote the sincerity and zeal of the author. He speaks with the confidence of truth; and if the friends of administration could be persuaded to think the sense and reason of our citizens of any essential importance to their popularity, which was built and still stands upon their ignorance and prejudices, it might be hoped there would be an answer to this performance. They are, however, too discreet to subject Mr. Jefferson's merits to so perilous a test. It is a very are thing to hear of an able discussion of any political subject in our country, though it is very common in England. It is because in England they have a greater number of sensible readers, or that party has not reduced the men of sense to the condition of insignificance and impotence, that Mr. Jefferson has accomplished in America. If Mr. Madison feels any parental fondness for his doc trine concerning neutral rights, he will find an adversary worthy of his pen, in the author of this publication. The extreme folly of the non-importation law is also exhibited in a manner to confound its advocates.

Our transactions with France and Spain occupy about eighty pages, and we could wish that every opposer of the friends and measures of Washington and Adams would spend two or three winter evenings in reading these observations. If he could finish the reading without feeling any flushes of indignation, he must want the spirit of this ardent writer, and almost the spirit of a man.... On the whole, therefore, we earnestly recommend this publication to our readers.

We give the following extracts from the pamphlet, as specimens of the author's style:

In what respect are we, then, different from the subjugated states of Holland, Switzerland, and the other nations which are dependent upon Frauce? We are fleeced to the full amount of our ability to pay-The United States France, and therefore they are not subhave no fleets to add to the navy of jects of maritime requisition as Holland is-France does not want soldiers, for she supplies herself in Europe, and in part from Switzerland; and here, again, we are more privileged than the descendants of William Tell-But money she ever craves, and, to use a proverb of her own, "l'appetit vient en mangeant"-The United States are called upon, with the threats of France suspended over their heads, for millions of dollars and when we ask, with a rueful aspect, what she is to give us for our purse, she answers, in the true style of a highway robber, give it, or I blow you through we do give it, and then preach about the clemency of those, ed our existence ! who might have killed us, and yet spar

Posterity will ask, who were the men, that thus betrayed their country's interests and glory? They must have been creatures, who never pretended to could never have aspired to the charac the name of American patriots; they ters of defenders of their country, and guardians of her greatness.' P. 146.

if we are resolved not to defend our'In fact, what are we ever to fight for, selves? or when are we to take a hos