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XX.

distinguished above all others for "the majesty of CHAPTER his presence, the polished elegance of his discourse, and manners in which dignity was blended with grace." 19

ments to

But none were so open in their admiration as CompliKing Louis. At his request, Gonsalvo was admit- Gonsalvo. ted to sup at the same table with the Aragonese sovereigns and himself. During the repast he surveyed his illustrious guest with the deepest interest, asking him various particulars respecting those memorable campaigns, which had proved so fatal to France. To all these the Great Captain responded with becoming gravity, says the chronicler; and the French monarch testified his satisfaction, at parting, by taking a massive chain of exquisite workmanship from his own neck, and throwing it round Gonsalvo's. The historians of the event appear to be entirely overwhelmed with the magnitude of the honor conferred on the Great Captain, by thus admitting him to the same table with three crowned heads; and Guicciardini does not hesitate to pronounce it a more glorious epoch in his life than even that of his triumphal entry into the capital of Naples.

20

19 Guicciardini, Istoria, tom. iv. pp. 76, 77. Giovio, Vitæ Illust. Virorum, p. 282.-Chrónica del Gran Capitan, lib. 3, cap. 4.

"Ma non dava minore materia ai ragionamenti il Gran Capitano, al quale non erano meno volti gli occhi degli uomini per la fama del suo valore, e per la memoria di tante vittorie, la quale faceva, che i Franzesi, ancora che vinti tante volte di lui, e che solevano avere

VOL. III.

36

in sommo odio, e orrore il suo
nome, non si saziassero di contem-
plarlo e onorarlo.
*E accre-
sceva l'ammirazione degli uomini
la maestà eccellente della presenza
sua, la magnificenza delle parole, i
gesti, e la maniera piena di gravità
condita di grazia: ma sopra tutti il
Re di Francia," &c. Guicciardi-
ni, ubi supra.

20 Brantôme, Vies des Hommes
Illustres, disc. 6. — Chrónica del

PART

II.

The king's reception in Castile.

During this interview, the monarchs held repeated conferences, at which none were present but the papal envoy, and Louis's favorite minister, D'Amboise. The subject of discussion can only be conjectured by the subsequent proceedings, which make it probable that it related to Italy; and that it was in this season of idle dalliance and festivity, that the two princes, who held the destinies of that country in their hands, matured the famous league of Cambray, so disastrous to Venice, and reflecting little credit on its projectors, either on the score of good faith or sound policy. But to this we shall have occasion to return hereafter.21

At length, after enjoying for four days the splendid hospitality of their royal entertainer, the king and queen of Aragon reëmbarked, and reached their own port of Valencia, after various detentions, on the 20th of July, 1507. Ferdinand, having rested a short time in his beautiful capital, pressed forward to Castile, where his presence was eagerly expected. On the borders, he was met by the dukes of Albuquerque and Medina Celi, his faithful follower the count of Cifuentes, and many other nobles and cavaliers. He was soon after joined by deputies from many of the principal cities in the kingdom, and, thus escorted, made his entry into it by the way of Monteagudo, on the 21st of August.

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23

XX.

tirement.

How different from the forlorn and outcast condi- CHAPTER tion, in which he had quitted the country a short year before! He intimated the change in his own circumstances, by the greater state and show of authority which he now assumed. The residue of the old Italian army, just arrived under the celebrated Pedro Navarro, count of Oliveto, preceded him on the march; and he was personally attended by his alcaldes, alguazils, and kings-at-arms, with all the appropriate insignia of royal supremacy. At Tortoles he was met by the queen, his daugh- Joanna's reter, accompanied by Archbishop Ximenes. The interview between them had more of pain, than pleasure in it. The king was greatly shocked by Joanna's appearance; for her wild and haggard features, emaciated figure, and the mean, squalid attire in which she was dressed, made it difficult to recognise any trace of the daughter, from whom he had been so long separated. She discovered more sensibility on seeing him, than she had shown since her husband's death, and henceforth resigned herself to her father's will with little opposition. She was soon after induced by him to change her unsuitable residence for more commodious quarters at Tordesillas. Her husband's remains were laid in the monastery of Santa Clara, adjoining the palace,

22 King Ferdinand had granted him the title and territory of Oliveto in the kingdom of Naples, in recompense for his eminent services in the Italian wars. Aleson, Annales de Navarra, tom. v. p. 178. Giovio, Vitæ Illust. Virorum, p. 190.

23 Bernaldez, Reyes Católicos, MS., cap. 210.-Zurita, Anales, tom. vi. lib. 8, cap. 4, 7.- Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 358. Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 74. -Oviedo, Quincuagenas, MS.

PART

II.

Irregularity

of Ferdinand's proceedings.

from whose windows she could behold his sepulchre. From this period, although she survived forty-seven years, she never quitted the walls of her habitation. And, although her name appeared jointly with that of her son, Charles the Fifth, in all public acts, she never afterwards could be induced to sign a paper, or take part in any transactions of a public nature. She lingered out a half century of dreary existence, as completely dead to the world, as the remains which slept in the monastery of Santa Clara beside her. 24

From this time the Catholic king exercised an authority nearly as undisputed, and far less limited and defined than in the days of Isabella. So firm did he feel in his seat, indeed, that he omitted to obtain the constitutional warrant of cortes. He had greatly desired this at the late irregular meeting of that body. But it broke up, as we have seen, without effecting any thing; and, indeed, the disaffection of Burgos and some other principal cities at that time, must have made the success of such an application very doubtful. But the general cordiality, with which Ferdinand was greeted, gave no ground for apprehending such a result at present.

Many, indeed, of his partisans objected to any

24 Gomez, De Rebus Gestis, fol. 75. Peter Martyr, Opus Epist., epist. 363.Zurita, Anales, lib. 8, cap. 49.-Sandoval, Hist. del Emp. Carlos V., tom. i. p. 13.

Philip's remains were afterwards removed to the cathedral church of Granada; where they were depos

ited, together with those of his wife Joanna, in a magnificent sepulchre erected by Charles V., near that of Ferdinand and Isabella. Pedraza, Antiguedad de Granada, lib. 3, cap. 7.- Colmenar, Délices de l'Espagne et du Portugal, (Leide, 1715,) tom. iii. p. 490.

XX.

intervention of the legislature in this matter, as CHAPTER superfluous; alleging that he held the regency as natural guardian of his daughter, nominated, moreover, by the queen's will, and confirmed by the cortes at Toro. These rights, they argued, were not disturbed by his resignation, which was a compulsory act, and had never received any express legislative sanction; and which, in any event, must be considered as intended only for Philip's lifetime, and to be necessarily determined with that.

But, however plausible these views, the irregularity of Ferdinand's proceedings furnished an argument for disobedience on the part of discontented nobles, who maintained, that they knew no supreme authority but that of their queen, Joanna, till some other had been sanctioned by the legislature. The whole affair was finally settled, with more attention to constitutional forms, in the cortes held at Madrid, October 6th, 1510, when the king took the regular oaths as administrator of the realm in his daughter's name, and as guardian of her son. 25

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llos é leales servidores de la reina
nuestra señora, porque la admini-
stracion é gobernacion destos reinos
se diera é concediera á quien las
leyes destos reynos mandan que se
den é encomienden en caso," &c.
(MS. de la Biblioteca de la Real
Acad. de Hist., apud Marina, Te-
oria, tom. ii. part. 2, cap. 18.) Ma-
rina, however, is not justified in
regarding Ferdinand's subsequent
convocation of cortes for this pur-
pose, as a concession to the de-
mands of the nation. (Teoría, ubi
supra.) It was the result of the

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