THE approaching commencement of a new Parliament induces us to bestow some attention on the present state of the question which divides the Church of Scotland, and which, for some time past, has been made a subject of political agitation in this part of the kingdom. Of that question, in the shape which it has latterly assumed, it is scarcely possible to overrate the importance. It involves local and practical considerations of great magnitude; but it also involves general principles of infinitely mightier moment, and of which the operation is not confined to one country or one period of time, but must extend to every place and occasion in which the establishment of a national religion and the maintenance of civil government are attempted to be combined. The settlement of this question, in its more immediate relations, must decide whether PRESBYTERY, as it exists among us here, is capable of permanently remaining, what we are proud to think it has long been found, a peaceful and profitable auxiliary of the State-diffusing the blessings of Christian regeneration, moral improvement, and social obedience among the people; or whether it must now be regarded, in an established form, as a treacherous ally, or an imperious tyrant, making use of the power entrusted to it to subvert the authority that gave it a civil existence-undermining, by its precepts and practice, the foundations of law and government-violating the ex

VOL. L. NO. CCCX,

press conditions on which alone it was established, and usurping over the consciences and rights of men an irresponsible and undefined autocracy, exempted from every principle of legal interpretation, and every check of constitutional control. In its wider effects, the question, if not rightly determined in this part of the kingdom, is calculated to scatter the seeds of discord and disorganization over the whole empire-to excite ecclesiastical pretensions which no concession can ever satisfy-and to reduce us to the melancholy alternative of either foregoing altogether the benefits of a religious establishment, or of bowing our necks in blind submission to the yoke of priestly power.

The strife which the Church is now maintaining, originated in a discussion as to what is commonly called the Veto Act. It was matter of controversy whether the Veto was legal, and whether it was expedient. These enquiries were of grave importance, at least within the precincts where Presbytery was established. But they have long since ceased to possess much attraction as compared with another and more weighty dispute; they have long been swallowed up in a contest of far broader application and more engrossing interest. issue to which matters are now brought, is not as to what is the law, or what is the policy of the case; but whether that which is decided to be LAW, is to be obeyed, or may be resisted, by the Church as a body

I

The

which the LAW has established. This is a general question, wholly independent of the merits of the Veto Act, or the principles of Non-intrusion. Law may often be one thing, and justice or expediency another. But in civilized society, it is an universal rule that the law must be obeyed until it be altered. The question is, whether the Church is to form an exception from that rule, and may violate the law of its constitution, while its disobedient members retain the whole benefits which the law has conferred on them; and not only so, but whether it may punish and degrade its members for obeying that law which it has itself violated. In point of principle and example, it is difficult to conceive a question more important in its consequences, or less difficult in its solu tion.

We consider this to be a question which does not affect one party in the state more than another, but which all are interested in having settled on a just and permanent basis. In the remarks we are about to make upon it, we shall endeavour as much as possible to avoid all political bias, and to appeal only to those feelings which we trust are common to both Liberal and Conservative politicians -a desire to see justice administered, and good order upheld.

The conduct of many of the ultra Non-intrusion party during the late elections in Scotland has, in various respects, been such as to subject them to the suspicion of being either unprincipled or insane. The country was appealed to on a question partly of financial policy, partly of ministerial confidence. The interests of the country in its commerce and agriculture, its colonial prosperity, its public credit, were staked upon the issue, and each man was called on, according to his honest convictions, to determine on which side he would enlist his influence. In this situation, a knot of ecclesiastical agitators bring forward a question, which in itself is or ought to be one of church discipline only, and force it into notice, not merely as an element of consideration in the exercise of the elective franchise, but as a cardinal and essential point to the exclusion of all others. Non-intrusion, in the senses in which the word is used by these monopolists of piety and purity, was made the sine qua non in a candidate's

qualifications. Like charity, it was to cover a multitude of sins; and without it, neither wisdom nor virtue, loyalty nor religion, were to be counted as any thing. The elector was urged to support any Non-intrusionist, however vitally opposed to him on every other question; and to oppose the anti-Non-intrusionist, however eligible and orthodox in every other respect. This of itself was sufficiently wild. But the footing on which the principle of Non-intrusion was pressed, was still more exceptionable. It was set forward as a question, not of reason, but of faith-not of polity, but of religion. To vote for a Non-intrusionist was a matter of divine duty-to vote against him was to hazard the pains of everlasting condemnation. "I maun vote for the major," said a Morayshire farmer, in answer to the importunities of his parish minister; " for the major supports the corn."-" O, John!" said the minister, "what is the corn to the salvation of your immortal soul !" "If you support Colonel Mure," said a reverend Paisley doctor to one of his congregation, whom he was lecturing on Sunday between the hours of divine service, on his duties as a voter,-" if you support Colonel Mure, you will repent it to your dying day, and it will torment you on your deathbed."

In conformity with the same principle, all other qualifications of a candidate were forgotten in comparison with this one point. It has never been denied that the Conservative party have shown themselves attached to the Established Church. They have defended her against opponents-they have preserved her influence-they have sought to extend her usefulness;- their tenets have tended to the preservation of the Protestant faith in the three kingdoms. Their adversaries, on the other hand, have at different times been accused by these very enthusiasts (with what justice we shall not now enquire) of a disregard of all religious institutions, and of a systematic encouragement of dissent and popery.

Any one who recollects Mr Makgill Crichton's abuse of the Whig party, or Dr Chalmers's sallies against the government, only a year or two ago, will see what hatred and contempt they and many of their friends then entertained towards them. But

in the late contest all these differences have been disregarded. The most tried attachment to the Establishment, the most friendly exertions on her behalf, have been counted as nothing where Non-intrusion was not added, while infidelity has been forgiven, laxity of life connived at, and hostility to the Church itself overlooked, where there was a willingness to take the Non-intrusion pledge. The Non-intrusionist haз shown himself ready to hold out the right hand of fellowship to those whom he accused of favouring Popery or despising religion, in preference to a brother Protestant and Presbyterian, who might differ from him on a controversy regarding a question of discipline. But the truth is manifest: To such partisans as these the existence of the Church is of less consequence than the triumph of their party; and Christianity itself is scarcely more important than Non-Intrusionism.

We are far from saying that the spirit we have now described has been universal even among the clergy; still less that it has actuated all those laymen who profess principles of Non-intrusion. But we assert that the interference of the clergy and of the partisans of Non intrusion, has been so general and frequent, as to justify the conclusion, that the tendency of their policy and principles is, to establish over the souls of men a tyranny which is incompatible alike with their personal independence, their temporal interests, and a just and discriminating sense of their religious duties. We entreat those whose views of ecclesiastical polity may lead them to seek by constitutional means for a greater share of popular influence in the choice of a pastor, to believe that we do not include them in the condemnation we are pronouncing upon others who take advantage of their good feelings. But we entreat them also, to show by their conduct, that they are not identified with the party who so pervert the nature of the question and set themselves in opposition to the law as it stands.

The violent promoters of the Nonintrusion cause have every where, during the late elections, been the stirrers up of strife and the makers of mischief. In Aberdeenshire, their animosity against an excellent noble

man, in whom they should have recognised their best friend, induced them to make offer to a respectable Whig baronet, hitherto opposed to their wild tenets, to pay the expense if opposition were given to Captain Gordon. We need not say that the proposal was indignantly rejected. We believe that serious intentions were entertained of intruding Mr Alexander Dunlop upon the electors of Ross-shire, with whom he has no connexion, except as sitting in the Assembly for some rotten burgh or presbytery in the north. But it was found that such an attempt would all the better unite both political parties in supporting the present member. In Edinburgh, the peace of the city was sought to be disturbed, by setting up the Non-intrusion Lord Provost against Mr Macaulay; but the plan was abandoned almost as soon as formed. In Morayshire, we have reason to think that General Duff was induced to stand by the promise of Non intrusion support, which proved, as usual, to be an incumbrance rather than an aid.

But without a longer enumeration of instances, a reference to the contest in Bute will afford the strongest proof and illustration of our allegations.

Sir William Rae stood for the county of Bute at the late election on Conservative principles, and with the good wishes of the largest proprietor of the county. Lord Bute has long been known, not only as an excellent and religious nobleman, but as the disinterested and cordial supporter of the Establishment, who has built and endowed churches within his district, who has exercised his patronage in the most enlightened manner, and who has received the recorded acknowledgments of the General Assembly for his zeal and munifi

cence.

Sir William Rae, of all men in Scotland, had the best claims on the confidence of the Conservative party. He has also been known as the uniform friend and supporter of the Church. His exertions, when in office, were directed to promote the extension of. religious instruction, and were mainly instrumental in bringing about a measure which all must approve-that of erecting forty new churches and manses in the Highlands of Scotland. advocacy of Church Extension in 1835, may not have met the approval of some parties in the community; but with

His

its defence. And if its friends be but steady and faithful, it must soon be triumphant.

Christian Electors of Buteshire, you are placed in the front of the battle, at once the post of honour and responsibility, and have an important part to act. Yours is one of the first elections. Choosing Sir William Rae unpledged, considering the office he is likely to hold under Sir Robert Peel, must prove deeply injurious to the Church. A right election now will go far to decide the present conflict, by the lesson it must read to the whole country, while it also cannot fail to cover yourselves with enduring honour. You have now the cause in your own hands. Now is the time to

churchmen, at least, it should have formed a strong claim to gratitude and support. In such circumstances, and looking to the whole situation of the constituency, an opposition to Sir William Rae's return was not to be supposed, particularly in any quarter where there was no avowed difference of political opinions. But what takes place? Sir William Rae declined a test which would have bound him to support or oppose whatever the General Assembly, or its Commission, or its Non-intrusion Committee, might support or oppose. Thereupon Mr Henry Dunlop of Glasgow, a professed Conservative, but who, we believe, has veered through every point of the political compass, comes forward as a candidate on Conservative and spiritual-independence principles. An address is issued to the "Christian Electors" of Buteshire, ringing the changes on the delinquencies of the civil courts, "which have attempted to rob the Church herself of the liberty wherewith Christ hath made her free, and to deny in effect the Saviour's authority in his own house altogether." The election of Mr Dunlop is then recommended by topics such as the following:

By supporting Sir William you will sell your birthright, for what here may be a paltry gain, but, hereafter, an irreparable loss. By opposing him you may secure your Christian rights and privileges, and will show yourselves the friends of right principle, worthy of the power given you, and the place you hold in the constitution of this country. Some of you are said to be so void of principle that you will not act with independence, but will be led at the chariot wheels of Sir William's friends, to vote as they please. Those who know you cannot believe this; and it now remains with yourselves to show whether the case be so or not. Will you then consent to vote away, at this election, your own and others' Christian liberty, and prostrate the church of your fathers at the feet of her and your enemies, so as to have, as far as in your power, every parish in the land liable to the same outrage lately inflicted in the case of Marnoch? In the days of King Robert Bruce, after the nobles of Scotland had sold their liberties, your ancestors stoutly stood forward in defence of civil liberty, and nobly gained the day. But surely the cause now at stake is unspeakably more important! and deserves

nobler sacrifices to be made for its asser

tion, and greater struggles maintained in

prove the faithfulness of your profession as Christian men, and the value you set on privileges more precious than can be purchased with gold. The eyes of Scotland and of Britain are upon you; and surely it cannot be doubted but, like your fathers, who, at the expense of property, and in caves of the earth, stood fast by the cause of truth in former days, you also will prove the steadfast supporters of the same good cause in your own time, and thus show yourselves not unworthy of the position in which you are placed. By your love to the faith once delivered to the saints, and the privileges transmitted to you by your fathers by your regard to the welfare of your families and the interests of posterity -by all that should influence you as men, or bind you as Christians, you are now called not to flinch, but as one man to stand forward in behalf of a member who, in the high assembly of the nation, will give a faithful expression to your sentiments and a devoted support to your cause, and thus show that you will not tamely surrender your privileges, or suffer them to be wrenched from you by any power whatever."

In the mean time the work goes on in such a manner as might be expected from those who thus addressed the "Christian Electors." On the Sunday of the Sacrament, their agents in Arran were dragging the poor people aside to canvass them as they were entering to the communion table, and watched them for the same purpose as they retired. Before the church service was over, on the Monday after the Sacrament, Mr Dunlop himself, and his friend Mr Collins, a Non-intrusion bookseller, sent into church for the parish minister of Arran: and having got him to come to them, while his assistant was still preaching, they endeavoured to obtain his consent to their using the church for a public political