Jan. 31.

Feb. 2.

The Earl of Liverpool proposed a Resolution anthorizing certain Lords to apply the Great Seal to a Commission for granting the Royal Assent to the Regency Bill.

Earl Grey, without objecting to this specific proposition, begged once more to enter his protest against the whole of the proceedings which had been adopted by Ministers in the course of this business.

Lord Holland also entered his protest against the line of conduct pursued by Ministers. The course adopted in this business had, to his conception, been equally calculated to produce delay and difficulty, as it was undoubtedly unconstitutional and illegal.

Lord Redesdale supported the Resolution, as being the only regular and constitutional mode of proceeding.

After some farther conversation- between Lord Holland and Lord Redesdale, the Resolution was agreed to.

HOUSE OF COMMONS, Feb. 4. Suhsequently to a conference with the Lords, Mr. Dundas appeared at the bar with a Resolution. of the Lords, in which they desired the concurrence of the Commons to the following Resolution:"That it is expedient and necessary that Letters Patent, under the Great Seal, be issued for the purpose of giving an assent in the King's name to the Regency Bill."

The Chancellor of the Exchequer stated, that, in pursuance of the course on which the House had entered, it had now be come necessary to consider the best mode of giving the Royal sanction to the Bill which had passed the two Houses; and with this view he should move, that the House do resolve itself into a Committee of the whole House on the State of the Nation.

Sir T. Turton rose, in this final stage of the proceeding, to reiterate his strongest condemnation and protest against it. The Hon. Baronet thought that those who had supported the proceeding by Bill, had ill maintained the character of superior loyalty and attachment to the interests of the Crown. The Right Hon. Gentleman opposite (Mr. Perceval), in his zeal for poetical quotations, had forgotten to notice one tragedy of our illustrious Bard, where he might have found some incidents not unsuitable to the present occasion. In the character and conduct of a Cordelia, he might have seen that those who boast the least, and make the most moderate pretensions→ those who give to Majesty nothing more than is ascribed in the bond of a subject's allegiance

-Who love his Majesty According to their bond; nor more nor less"

were, in the hour of real peril, infinitely more to be depended on, than the courtly flatterers who profess

"To love him more than words can wield the matter,

Dearer than eye-sight, space, and li Thus much he deemed it necessary to berty." say, in vindication of the great loyalty and sincerity of attachment to the King, felt by those who had resisted the curtailment and mutilation of his prerogatives; and concluded by declaring that he should submit an amendment, in order that his protest against the principle might be exhibited on the Journals.

The question being then put, the Speaker left the chair; and the Chancellor of the Exchequer moved that the Resolution of the Lords be agreed to.

Mr. Elliot spoke against the measure, Mr. Ponsonby added his protest to those of the Hon. Members who had spoken against it; and termed the whole of the proceedings a "fraudulent fiction," which defied and trampled upon

the Constitution.

tion. In the earlier stages of these proceedings, he had abstained from offering himself to the notice of the House, because he did not think he could have thrown any new light on the subject, and therefore did not wish to enter generally into the debate. But now the question was brought to such a state, that, from respect to the House, he felt it necessary to give the opinions which occurred to him. First, he would take notice of the assertion made at the first meeting of the House, that it was not to be considered as a House of Parliament, and that it was a matter of doubt whether the meeting was legal. He hoped an assertion of that kind would never be heard in that House without due reprobation; and he considered it a most mischievous thing to say that its Members were not the lawful representatives of the people. It was most clear, from the reason of the thing, and the usages of the Constitution, that when any impediment arose in the exercise of the government, new and extraordinary powers devolved upon the House of Commons. It then became the right and the duty of the House to fill up the chasm in the Constitution. The task was difficult and hazardous; but, from the peculiar state of public affairs, duties and powers devolved upon the House, which must remove every doubt as to the legality of its proceedings. This course of proceeding was fully justified by precedent. At the time of the Restoration, the two Houses of Parliament, surrounded as they were by difficulties, did for a time wield the sceptre of the absent Monarch, for the purpose of enabling that Monarch to resume his throne. They passed acts, and caused money to be issued for the public service; and all they did then was afterwards confirmed by law. Similar proceedings took place at the Revolution, when the two Houses appointed a new King. He therefore felt convinced that the present proceedings were just and right; and that no other could be so effectual for the purposes the two Houses had in view. He would now content himself with expressing his approbation of the opinion given twenty-two years ago, by the then Speaker of the House. In the course of these debates, it was agreed on all hands, that the Houses had the right of filling up any vacancy in the Throne. If the Throne was full, the Houses could not proceed to elect a se'cond King; but in a state of affairs like the present, where in the very vacancy there was a living Monarch, it was the right and duty of the House to provide in the manner recently done, and not by Address. The House should take that

course which it must have done in the appointment of a Regency while the King was in perfect health; and on that ground he thought the Great Seal might be used as an instrument obedient to the will of Parliament, which had the right to command it when there was no other power that could exercise it; for the Great Seal was not merely an instrument for the use of the King, but one that was to be used for the benefit of the people. He did not think that the rash inconsiderate expressions of fiction, fraud, and forgery, applied to this proceeding, had any foundation in truth; for in the body of the instrument, purporting to come from the King, it was stated to be by the advice of the Privy Council; it was made out by responsible Ministers, and confirmed and ordered by Parliament. At all events, it was justified by the necessity of the case. The House was now arming the Regent with a shield that was impenetrable, and with a sword that was irresistible. It was much better that an act should be done which would be contemporaneous, and have all the forms of solemnity, than any proceeding by Address. For these reasons he would support the Resolution, as a proceeding most beneficial to the country, and most conducive to the security of the Monarchy.

Mr. Ponsonby explained.

Messrs. Perceval, Sheridan, Adam, and Lord Porchester shortly spoke; after which the Resolution was carried, and the amendment negatived.

HOUSE OF LORDS, Feb. 5.

Another conference took place between their Lordships and the Commons, which was followed by an announcement that the Resolution of Saturday, Feb. 2, had passed the other House. Their Lordships afterwards temporarily adjourned; when the Lord Chancellor, entering in his robes, stated that a Commission had issued under the Great Seal, for giving the Royal Assent to an Act which had passed both Houses of Parliament.-The Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Chancellor, Earls Camden and Westmoreland, and the Duke of Montrose, afterwards took their seats as Commissioners for giving the Royal Assent to the Regency Bill. The Speaker and a number of Members of the House of Commons being in attendance at the bar, the Lord Chancellor said:

My Lords and Gentlemen, Inasmuch as, for certain causes, his Majesty cannot conveniently be present here this day, a Commission has issued under the Great Scal, to us and other Lords directed, reciting the Letters Patent of the 15th

Jan.

Jan. for opening and holding this present Parliament, and the passing of an Act agreed upon by both Houses, and notifying the Royal Assent to the said Act.

The Commission having been read, the Lord Chancellor declared, that in obedience to the commands, and by virtue of the powers vested in the Commissioners, they gave his Majesty's Royal Assent to the said Act.

Feb. 12.

The Lord Chancellor, the Archbishop of Canterbury, Earls Camden and Westmoreland, and the Duke of Montrose, having taken their seats as Commissioners; and the Speaker, with many Members of the Lower House, being in attendance; the Lord Chancellor said, that it not being convenient for his R. H. the Prince of Wales, Regent, to be personally present that day, a Commission had issued under his Majesty's Great Seal, authorising the opening and declaring certain further causes for holding that Parliament.

The Commission was then read pro formá; after which the Lord Chancellor delivered the following Speech:

"My Lords and Gentlemen; - In execution of the Commission which has now been read to you, we are commanded by his Royal Highness the Prince Regent to express, in the strongest manner, how deeply He laments, not only in common with all his Majesty's loyal subjects, but with a personal and filial affliction, the great national calamity which has been the occasion of imposing upon his Royal Highness the duty of exercising, in his Majesty's name, the royal authority of this Kingdom. In conveying to you the sense which his Royal Highness entertains of the great difficulties attending the important trust which is reposed in Him, his Royal Highness commands us to assure you, that He looks with the most perfect confidence to the wisdom and zeal of Parliament, and to the attachment of a loyal and affectionate People, for the most effectual assistance and support; and his Royal Highness will, on his part, exert his utmost endeavours to direct the powers with which He is invested to the advancement of the prosperity, welfare, and security of his Majesty's Dominions. We are directed to inform you, that his Royal Highness has great satisfaction in being enabled to state, that fresh opportunities have been afforded, during the late Campaign, for distinguishing the valour and skill of his Majesty's Forces, both by sea and land. The Capture of the Islands of Bourbon and of Amboyna have still further reduced the Colonial Dependencies

of the Enemy. The attack upon the Island of Sicily, which was announced to the world with a presumptuous anticipation of success, has been repulsed by the persevering exertions and valour of his Majesty's Land and Sea Forces. The judicious arrangement adopted by the Officers commanding on that station, derived material support from the zeal and ardour which were manifested during this contest by the Inhabitants of Sicily, and from the co-operation of the Naval means which were directed by his Sicilian Majesty to this object. In Portugal, and at Cadiz, the defence of which constituted the principal object of his Majesty's exertions in the last Campaign, the designs of the Enemy have been hitherto frustrated. The consummate skill, prudence, and perseverance of Lieutenant-general Lord Viscount Wellington, and the discipline and determined bravery of the Officers and Men under his command, have been conspicuously displayed throughout the whole of the Campaign. The effect of those distinguished qualities, in inspiring confidence and energy into the troops of his Majesty's Allies, has been happily evinced by their general good conduct, and particularly by the brilliant part which they bore in the repulse of the Enemy at Buzaco. And his Roval Highness commands us further to state, that He trusts you will enable him to continue the most effectual assistance to the brave Nations of the Peninsula, in the support of a contest which they manifest a determination to maintain with unabated perseverance; and his Royal Highness is persuaded, that you will feel, that the best interests of the British Empire must be deeply affected in the issue of this contest, on which the liberties and independence of the Spanish and Portuguese Nations entirely depend. We have it likewise in command to acquaint you, that discussions are now depending between this Country and the United States of America; and that it is the earnest wish of his Royal Highness that he may find himself enabled to bring these discussions to an amicable termination, consistent with the Honour of his Majesty's Crown, and the maritime Rights and Interests of the United Kingdom.

"Gentlemen of the House of Commons, We are directed to acquaint you, that his Royal Highness the Prince Regent has given his commands that the Estimates for the expenditure of the current year should be laid before you; and his Royal Highness has great satisfaction in acquainting you, that although the difficulties under which the commerce of this Kingdom has laboured, have in

some

some degree affected a part of his Majesty's revenue, particularly in Ireland, yet that the revenue of Great Britain in the last year, though unaided by any new taxation, is greater than was ever known in any preceding year. And his Royal Highness trusts to your zeal and liberality, to afford his Majesty adequate supplies for the support of the great contest in which he is necessarily engaged.

My Lords and Gentlemen; We are commanded by his Royal Highness to declare to you, that it is the most anxious wish of his heart, that He may be enabled to restore unimpaired, into the hands of his Majesty, the government of His Kingdom; and that his Royal Highness earnestly prays, that the Almighty may be pleased in His Mercy to accelerate the termination of a calamity so deeply lamented by the whole Nation, and so peculiarly afflicting to his Royal Highness himself."

The Commons then withdrew from the bar, and the Commissioners quitted their bench.-The Lord Chancellor having taken the chair, the Earl of Aberdeen, after dwelling upon the principal topics of the Speech, moved an Address to the Prince Regent, expressing their confidence in his Royal Highness, and condoling with him on the death of the Princess Amelia.

Earl Grosvenor thought the Speech dimsy, and would not pledge himself to the extent proposed by the Address respecting the war in the Peninsula.

Lord Grenville complimented the noble Mover, not only on his eloquence, but the judgment he had evinced. He regretted, that throughout the Address there was not one personal compliment paid, nor one mark of personal respect shewn to his R. H. He did not approve of the mode in which the war was carried on in the Peninsula; and should enter his protest against it, that he might not be supposed to yield an acquiescence to doctrines of which he disapproved. His Lordship concluded by expressing his surprize that no allusion had been made to the state of the Bullion in the country.

Lords Elliot and Radnor spoke a few words, and the Address was then agreed

to.

In the Commons the same day, the Speaker and the other Members having returned from hearing the Speech of the Prince Regent read, Mr. Milnes, in a lengthened but neat speech, moved an Address to the Prince Regent. Mr. Wellesley supported it; and, in the course of his observations on the war in the Peninsula, paid some compliments to the talents and services of his noble Relative

Mr. Ponsonby cordially agreed with the

Hon. Gentlemen in all that they had said to the advantage of the Prince Regent, of his fitness for the Government, and his personal merits. He would give his best assistance to every measure brought forward by the Regent's advisers, to which he could conscientiously give his support; and where he could not, he would refuse it with pain.

Sir F. Burdett regretted that the Prince had not refused his present situation of Regent, and considered his not meeting the House on this day as a proof of his dissatisfaction-perhaps he thought of Ministers as Falstaff did of his ragamuffins, that they were such a pitiful set, that he would not be seen at their head. He concluded by moving an adjournment of the House until to-morrow.

Mr. Lambe was of opinion that there were many points in the Speech which called for an unanimous vote; but there were also some on which most mature consideration was necessary. He hoped that the attention of the House would speedily be called to the internal state of the country, and more particularly for economising the public expenditure.

The Address was then carried, and a Committee appointed to prepare the

same.

Feb. 13.

Mr. Milnes presented at the bar the Report of the Committee on the Address to the Prince Regent.

Mr. Hutchinson had no objection to the Address, as pledging the House to nothing; but thought it deficient in not reminding the Prince Regent how great a portion of our Empire had been already lost by mischievous and unwise councils, as also in not stating the disturbances and dissatisfaction which had frequently prevailed throughout this reign in Ireland, and then continued unhappily to prevail. The Hon. Gentleman concluded by accusing Ministers of neglecting the interests of Ireland, and treating the Irish Members, who rose in behalf of their country, with contempt.

Sir T. Turton regretted that the Speech of the Regent had not expressed any desire to bring about an honourable peace.

Mr. Whitbread condemned the policy which had been pursued in regard to Portugal and Spain; but professed himself averse from withdrawing the British army from thence until the probability of success had diminished.

Mr. Perceval replied.

Sir J. Newport charged Ministers with hazarding the safety of Ireland by withdrawing a great part of the military force.

The Chancellor of the Exchequer denied the assertion. The Report was then brought up, and agreed to.

INTERESTING