Greatly must our author have congratulated himself, that such men as Wilberforce, Fox and Pitt, were his countrymen and contemporaries, admired and reverenced by the nation, and in the full enjoyment of their natural and acquired powers,—of that robust, yet agile and fervid logic, by which they rendered irresistible the weight and mass of evidence dug up, as it were, and brought to light by his indefatigable toils. Independent, too, of that genius which they possessed in common, there was a felicity in the nature and separate department of the influence of each of the three, which, on such an occasion, we may venture to call providential. The example and authority of Mr Fox, which could not be powerless even on the minds of his political opponents, acted with especial strength on that class which had. distinguished themselves as the less timid friends of freedom and general illumination. Now, though this class contained its full share of disinterested, enlightened, and patriotic individuals, yet it cannot be denied, that their characteristic zeal for constitutional liberty had been assumed as a mask by many of lax and unconstitutional principles. The wishes and supposed designs of these men, seen magnified through the mist occasioned by the panic of property, and (what was worse) attributed to thousands who held in abhorrence the whole Gallican code, as far as it was contradistinguished from our own, threatened every measure proposed by Mr Fox with unpopularity, if not active opposition. We have too many analogous facts on record to render it probable, that this, if Mr Fox had stood single in the contest, would have scared away many truly good and pious persons (especially the more religious females in the higher ranks of society), and given a dangerous pretext to the adherents and patrons of the trade. To this danger, the fervent loyalty and known piety of Mr Wilberforce and his particular friends presented a powerful antidote; while to the manufacturers and merchants, who were willing enough to impute their zeal to a fanatical enthusiasm, the name of Mr Pitt seemed to hold out a still higher sanction.

We admit, therefore, that the countenance which Mr Pitt gave to the cause of the abolition, was of the utmost consequence to its success. It discountenanced the opposition which it did not prevent; it confirmed the opinion of many who were too indolent not to prefer authority to evidence; and gave a license to many to express and to act upon a conviction which they might otherwise have been induced to suppress. By his eloquence, and by his authority, he gave confidence to the cause of justice, and currency to the dictates of reason. When we consider the solemnity of his protestations, and the great political interest of those whom he disobliged by his exertions, it is painful, and al

most

most impossible to admit any doubt of his sincerity. Yet, if he was sincere, he certainly was not zealous in the cause; and neglected so many opportunities of promoting it, that it was not without wonder that we found Mr Clarkson's book inscribed to his Memory, in a dedication in which the name of Mr Wilberforce is omitted. That he was not altogether so zealous in the cause as his professions would lead us to believe, appears from a variety of circumstances. In the first place, from the uniform and strenuous opposition of Mr Dundas, who had in this instance no immediate interest to serve, and was never known to differ from his patron on speculative grounds. In the second place, from the uniform failure of the cause in Parliament, during his long and strong administration. For the long space of twenty years, Mr Pitt could persuade about three fourths of the members of Parliament to adopt any scheme of finance, or of external policy, which he chose to countenance,-but could never once prevail with a bare majority to support him against the slave traders and consignees of sugar in Bristol and Liverpool. Even in 1805, he was in a minority upon a decision on that question ;and yet, no sooner did the late ministry come into power, than they contrived some how or other so effectually to remove those deep-rooted scruples, that the bill for the instant abolition passed almost unanimously;-there being, if we rightly remember, no more than 16 dissentient voices out of a very full attendance in the Lower House. The most suspicious thing, however, in all Mr Pitt's conduct, was his proceedings in 1797, and in 1805, with regard to the Dutch colonies of Guiana, Demarary, Berbice, &c. Those possessions fell into our hands in 1797; and having been prevented from supplying themselves with negroes during the war, were ready to take off a greater number than usual. It was in the power of the ministry, without a vote of Parliament, to prohibit or restrain the slave trade of those colonies, by a mere order in Council. Mr Pitt, however, took no such step; and such was the vast addition that was consequently made to the British slave trade, that the annual importation was immediately increased from 25,000 to 57,000,-being an addition of no less than 32,000. This tremendous traffic went on under Mr Pitt's eye for eight years; and then, when the extended cultivation of those new colonies had begun to sink the value of West India produce, and of the old plantations, the clamours of the sugar-dealers produced that interference which humanity and justice had formerly solicited in vain. In August 1805, Mr Pitt annihilated the whole slave trade of the Dutch colonies, by a single order in Council. This he did avowedly to appease the jealousies, and allay the clamours of the planters in the old islands; VOL. XII. NO. 24.

A a

and

and this he did not do in 1797, or any of the intervening years, though he had it all that time in his power, and though he was all that time making eloquent professions of the horror and detestation with which he regarded this inhuman traffic.

The most interesting part of this book, after all, perhaps, is the account of the author's incredible perseverance in procuring evidence. And here it is indeed a most observable fact, and one which conveys the keenest satire on the cause of his opponents, that though, of the few witnesses which toil, danger, and the voice of conscience,, had with difficulty obtained from distant parts of the kingdom, not above a third were heard in evidence; and though, even of these, a great and important part were men in humble situations of life; while, on the other hand, every individual of the numerous witnesses in favour of this traffic (and these men of the highest rank and fortune,-admirals, governors, and wealthy proprietors) were heard, and four fifths of the time allotted to the examinations, liberally devoted to them; yet, such was the force of truth, that, with exception of the Members of the interested cities, and of one or two individuals closely connected with the trade, no one of the opponents of the abolition ever pretended to doubt the attestations of the humble and despised few, or to believe the truth of the testimony, however they might respect the veracity, of the great and powerful body of counter witnesses. The conduct and fate of the individual, against whom, in his own presence, our author was reluctantly cross-examined, and which is related Vol. II. p. 181. with a delicacy most honourable to Mr Clarkson's feelings, will furnish an awful warning to those who can be bold in defence of evil, and shrink away from their own prior testimony in support of truth and justice.

With a deep interest, and the warmest sympathy, we have followed our author in his journeys to Bristol, during his hazardous detection of the horrors of those public houses employed to allure unhappy mariners into the pitfall of guilt and perdition; the dread which-after he had brought a murderer to trial-his presence spread among the whole party concerned in this immemorial opprobrium of that city,* (Vol. I. from p. 292. to 368.); and

* Directly opposite the Irish coast, there is a seaport town called Bristol, the inhabitants of which frequently sail into Ireland, to sell, there, people whom they had bought up throughout all England. They exposed to sale maidens in a state of pregnancy, with whom they made a sort of mock-marriages. There you might see with grief, fastened together by ropes, whole rows of wretched beings, of both sexes, of elegant forms, and in the very bloom of youth, a

and during his yet more toilsome and hazardous adventures at Liverpool, in which his life was more than once in imminent jeopardy; and all his ceaseless pursuit of facts and individuals, which enabled him, in the year 1788, to arrange and publish that great body of evidence comprized in his work of The Impolicy of the Slave Trade,' to which nothing was, or could indeed be added; with one exception, viz. that of the important documents procured by the authority, and enforced by the eloquence of Mr Pitt, concerning the black population of the colonies, its gradual increase, and undoubted capability of supporting itself, unaided by fresh importations. This was indeed a most important accession; for although the fact, so established, had been absolutely demonstrated a priori, from the congeniality of the West Indian climate with the African constitutions, and the known prolificity of the Blacks under very unfavourable circumstances; yet the quarter from which these documents were furnished added prodigiously to their strength, and furnished the abolitionists with a weapon against which the most unabashed impudence, and the blindest prejudice, could present no defensive armour. And in fact, after the publication of the Impolicy,' and the appearance of these documents, the whole ground of argument was in a manner abandoned, and the agents of the slave-inerchants and planters recurred wholly to secret intrigues, and the lowest tricks of delay. Blessed as the final event has been, we cannot, without the most painful shame, remember, that, even thus baffled, confuted, and put to silence, they remained dangerously powerful; and that blind and unfeeling avarice ran a race of perseverance with humanity and the sense of national honour, in which the latter, more than once, appeared to lag behind, and to rest, as if desirous of sleeping.

Then was made apparent the great importanee, and even the necessity, of an association, formed on such principles, and composed of such individuals, as was the committee for the abolition. They remained unwearied on the watch-tower. Under their auspices our author renewed his journeys for witnesses-we might almost say, his one, long, and continued journey! We cannot deny ourselves the pleasure of quoting the following passage, as a singular instance of almost unexampled perseverance. There A a 2

were,

sight sufficient to excite pity even in barbarians, daily offered for sale to the first purchaser. Accursed deed! Infamous disgrace! that men, acting in a manner which brutal instinct alone would have forbidden, should sell into slavery their relations, nay, even their own offspring. William of Malmsbury, Book ii. ch. 20.-Life of St Wolstan, Bishop of Worcester.

were, it seems, strong grounds of suspicion concerning the mode of procuring the slaves which were brought down from the inte rior on the rivers of Calabar and Bonny. From a variety of circumstances, the Committee inferred, that a part, or perhaps the greater part, had been kidnapped. How, then, says our author, were we to decide this important question? for it was said, that no white man was ever permitted by the natives to go up in their canoes. On mentioning accidentally these circumstances to a friend, this friend informed him, that he himself had been in company, about a year before, with a sailor, a very respectable looking man, who had been up these rivers. He had spent half an hour with him at an inn, and described his person; but he knew nothing of his name, or of the place of his abode. All he knew was, that he was either going, or that he belonged to, some ship of war in ordinary; but he could not tell at what port.

Our author, determining to find out so important a witness, procured from Sir C. Middleton, as comptroller of the navy, a permission to board all the ships of war in ordinary. Ships of war in ordinary are those which are out of commission, and laid up in the different rivers and waters in the neighbourhood of the King's dock-yards. For the completion of this interesting tale, we shall use our author's own words.

each.

same.

• At length I began my journey. I boarded all the ships of war lying in ordinary at Deptford, and examined the different persons in From Deptford I proceeded to Woolwich, where I did the Thence I hastened to Chatham, and then, down the Medway, to Sheerness. I had now boarded above a hundred and sixty vessels of war. I had found out two good and willing evidences among them; but I could gain no intelligence of him who was the object of my search.

From Chatham I made the best of my way to Portsmouth-harbour. A very formidable task presented itself here; but the masters' boats were ready for me, and I continued my pursuit. On boarding the Pegase, on the second day, I discovered a very respectable person in the gunner of that ship. His name was George Millar. He had been on board the Canterbury slave-ship at the dreadful massacre at Calabar. He was the only disinterested evidence living, of whom I had yet heard. He expressed his willing→ ness to give his testimony, if his presence should be thought necessary in London. I then continued my pursuit for the remainder of the day. On the next day, I resumed and finished it for this quarter. I had now examined the different persons in more than a hundred vessels in this harbour; but I had not discovered the person I had gone to seek.

Matters now began to look rather disheartening, I mean as far as my grand object was concerned. There was but one other port left, and this was between two and three hundred miles distant. I

determined,