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contrary, is but too fully established by the documents before us. We cannot, however, entirely agree with the editor in the observation with which he concludes his preliminary difcourfe. He appears to be strongly impreffed with an opinion, che l'efiftenza della Repubblica di Vinezia, all' epocha della rivoluzione e caduta della Monarchia Francefe, non era precaria, ma tale, che con le fole attuali fue forze, fi mens non læva fuiffet, era in grado di foftenere ad efempio de' maggiori una Neutralità armata, la quale era peraventura l'unica che falvarla poteva, non oftante la decadenza polatica e morale, di cui si è ragionato.' Such an experiment might perhaps have been tried; but its ultimate efficacy may well be doubted: and, even now, when we have been inftructed by the event, it feems to us abundantly manifeft, that no fyftem of neutrality, whether armed or unarmed, could have fecured the independence, or even the existence of Venice, and that these great objects could not poffibly have been accomplished, but by the adoption of a system of alliance. We do not venture to affert that even fuch a measure would have faved her; but, that it afforded the only chance of falvation, we think can hardly be made a question.

That an unarmed neutrality was no way calculated to enfure refpect from the French, and avert their defigns of invafion, was fufficiently apparent from the moment Bonaparte entered the Venetian territory, and iffued that insidious proclamation, in which the deliverance of Venice from the iron yoke of Auftria was the profeffed object of his views. It is equally clear, that an armed neutrality would have been little lefs effectual, at least in the way in which the armament would have been conducted. If, indeed, the military force had been duly organized,-if the regulars and the militia had been confiderably augmented in numerical force, which the spirit and patriotism of the lower Venetians could have rendered eafy, if the fortreffes had been adequately garrisoned, the capital put into a ftrong posture of defence, and the extenfive maritime ftrength of the republic placed in readiness for action,fome chance would have been prefented of compelling the French to refpect the independence of Venice; efpecially if it had been declared, that the leaft aggreffion on their part would have immediately produced an alliance offenfive and defenfive with Auftria. It must be acknowledged, however, that it is ftill problematical whether fuch a junction, or, indeed, any cooperation whatever, could have effectually repreffed the energies to which the principles, and the abuse of the principles, of the French revolution had given exiftence. But, if there was a remote chance of faving Venice, it could be found only in the adoption of a commanding pofition from the beginning, and the formation of a cordial alliance with Auftria,

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the moment it became evident that her neutrality would be expofed to violation. That moment was certainly come when the French overrun the north of Italy in fummer 1795; and yet the overtures of Auftria were obftinately rejected, though repeated in all manner of forms, and renewed even when the enemy was at their gates, and within two months of their final destruction. That they could have preferved their independence by any course of conduct is indeed very doubtful; but, by the course they adopted, they obviously threw it away. To have done any thing but what they did, would have been excufeable; and the alliance of Pruffia, or even of France herself, as it was offered in 1796, held out a chance of falvation, and would, at any rate, have saved the laft fcene of the republic from that general contempt and opprobrium with which the covered herself by her pufillanimity and folly. Upon the whole, when we review the caufes which remotely prepared her deftruction, as well as the circumstances which immediately led to it, we cannot help feeling that she deferved the fate which befel her. Her race of glory was run, and her race of fhame. There was nothing about her to command refpect, or to win affection; and though the violence and perfidy which were the inftruments of her deftruction are the just objects of our abhorrence, thefe fentiments are not in any degree enhanced in this inftance by compaffion for their victim.

The title of the fecond work prefixed to this article, appears to be pretty well fupported by the contents of the performance. As far as we can judge, from comparing the statements it contains with the fubitance of the official documents, the facts are given with fairness and accuracy; and the tone and temper of the editor and of the author are very nearly of the fame complexion. The fame reprobation of the Venetian government, the fame attachment to the ancient order of things in Venice, characterize both productions. But they differ fufficiently to authorize a conjecture, that they do not proceed from the fame pen. The English author is fatisfied with the introduction of explanatory notes, and a few occafional reflections, while the original is devoted almost as much to political reflections, as to hiftorical narrative. Many of the faults in the original work, Mr Hinckley has carefully transfufed into the tranflation. The pompous inflated periods of the Italian affume a corresponding English garb, though the liberty of fimplification might have been reforted to without injury, either to the fenfe or the ftyle of the tranflation. Several words, indeed, are not tranflated at all, but prefented in their original form fuch as, the fautors of revolutions' the pouvoir exécutif." Indeed, if the tranflation had been lefs literal, it might have gained confiderably in fpirit and fimplicity; and any deficiency in

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mere literal fidelity, might have been well fupplied by the advantage of additional eafe and elegance of ftyle. Notwithftanding these defects, however, the perufal of this little performance will excite a confiderable degree of intereft.

We have already extended this article fo far, that we have only room to infert an extract from the work before us, to explain the nature of an overture which we have already alluded to in paffing, and which affords unquestionable proof of the bafenefs and venality of a member of the French Executive Directory. It is to be recollected, that the overture was made to Querini, the Venetian ambaffador in Paris, and tranfmitted by him to his government. Thefe magnanimous neutrals were pleafed to approve of the propofition, and folemnly gave it in charge to their ambaffador, to fave the republic,-by the offer of a fordid bribe to the Director Barras. The following paffage concifely ftates this difgraceful tranfaction, which is explained at confiderable length in the Raccolta, &c.

An intriguer came one day to the ambassador Querini, and communicated, that two of the Directors opposed the revolution of Venice ; that two others fupported it; that Barras was as yet undecided; and that, if a liberal reward were given to him, the balance would be turned in favour of the integrity of the republic. Querini replied, that, whenever the revolted provinces fhould be reflored to the Venetian government, they would agree to make the required facrifice. The agent departed, and foon after brought the ambaffador an answer, that a confiderable prefent being firft given, the requifite inftructions would be fent to Bonaparte. A thousand fhameful quibbles fucceeded this fpecies of arrangement, till, after various fhifts and changes, Barras fent an authentic declaration under the feal of the Directory, affuring Querini, that inftructions had been fent to Bonaparte in conformity to all he had requested. In confideration of this favour, it was expected he should give notes for 700,000 livres tournois, payable in thirty days. To this he confented, and the Venetian government afterwards approved it. The contract, however, was never performed; but, on the contrary, an order of the Executive Directory compelled the ambaffador fuddenly to depart from France. He returned home; and, after the fall of the republic, these notes were prefented to him for payment out of his private fortune. This he refused, the conditions not having been fulfilled on which they were given. The business was supposed to have been dropped, when, on the 3d of December 1797, he was fuddenly arrefted, and, by command of the Directory, fent to the castle of Milan; from whence, toward the end of March, he was ordered to prepare for a journey to Paris; but, fortunately, on the 30th of that month, he contrived to escape, and thus evaded the unjuft demand.' p. 125.

Before clofing this article, we ought to obferve, that the value of the Raccolta chronologico-ragionata, is not to be estimated merely

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by the authentic information it contains relative to the occurrences which produced the fubverfion of the Venetian republic; for it alfo comprizes a large body of very curious and important intelligence, on many of the leading events of the French revolution. The defpatches of the Venetian ambaffadors, who refided in Paris during the most eventful periods of that revolution, may be regarded as documents of much intrinfic hiftorical value. Thofe, too, of the Venetian refidents at the other European courts, which are alfo included in this collection, will be found by no means uninteresting to the diligent inquirer into hiftorical truth. To the attention of the profeffed hiftorian, it is unneceffary to recommend these ftate papers. Their authenticity, we believe, is undifputed: and they relate to a period, many of the tranfactions of which are ftill involved in great obfcurity.

ART. VII. The Bakerian Lecture on some new Phenomena of Chemical Changes produced by Electricity, particularly the Decomposi tion of the Fixed Alkalis, and the Exhibition of new Substances which constitute their Bases, and on the general nature of Alkaline Bodies. By Humphry Davy, Esq. Sec. R. S. M. R. I. A. (from Phil. Trans. Part I. for 1808.)

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a former article, (Number XXIII), we laid before our readers an account of the very interesting course of experiments which Mr Davy had made upon the mutual actions of galvanic electricity and chemical bodies; and we hinted, that it was generally understood, that in pursuing the same train of investigation, this ingenious and indefatigable inquirer had made some of the most wonderful and important discoveries which modern times have to boast of. It now gives us infinite satisfaction to fulfil the promise which we then made, of recurring to the subject as soon as possible, and continuing our history of this excellent chemist's proceedings. He has detailed them very minutely in the paper now before us, which we consider as the most valu able in the Philosophical Transactions, since the time when Sir Isaac Newton inserted, in that celebrated collection, the first account of his optical discoveries. We certainly do by no means intend to compare the two works for their general importance, and much less for their merits. Newton created his tools, as well as the system which he reared by their aid. Chance had nothing to do with his labours. He did not merely try things to see what would follow; he was carried on by the most subtle ingenuity, and a sagacity never bestowed on any other man, through a chain of

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reasoning and observation, which, had he stopt at any point, no man, whatever his industry might have been, could have continued one step further. Mr Davy owes much to his indefatigable industry, and his knowledge of the subject; but he owes a great deal more to the powerful instrument which former discoveries put into his hands. Any man possessed of his habits of labour, and the excellent apparatus of the Royal Institution, could have almost ensured himself a plentiful harvest of discovery. And, while no one can read a single proposition in either of Sir Isaac Newton's great works, without being stopped at every turn to admire the transcendant genius of the author, it is very possible to read Mr Davy's whole paper, and admit that he has made greater discoveries than any man has done since the days of Newton,and yet to find nothing which deserves the name of genius in the whole compass of the investigation. We throw out these things from no invidious motive, but merely from a desire to reduce things to their proper level, and just proportions; and to qualify a little of that excessive admiration which has lately been excited by Mr Davy's discovery, not unnaturally, we confess, but very extravagantly, and, as usually happens in such cases, to the great detriment of sober inquiry.

In describing the result of Mr Davy's last course of experi ments, (which, by the way, though it led to less remarkable results, showed more ingenuity and dexterity than the present), we explained the very singular property of Galvanism, which these experiments brought to light. It appeared that, when the electric fluid is sent through a circle, in which part of the circuit is a compound of acid and alkali, a decomposition takes place, the acid always being transferred towards the positive part of the chain, the negative part attracting the alkali. A certain affinity seemed always to subsist between oxygen and the positive electrieity, and an inflammable basis and the negative side. The effects of the fluid in operating decomposition, were proportioned to the strength of the opposite electricities, and to the concentration and conducting power of the compound body. With these data, furnished chiefly by his former experiments, our author proceeded to subject the fixed alkalis to the most intense action of the gal vanic pile.

He first tried an aqueous solution, made as strong as possible. This he exposed to the combined action of three great batteries, one of 24 plates of 12 inches square, another of 100 plates of inches, and the third of 150 of 4 inches, being a total of almost 1500 inches of metallic plates. But, although this produced a great action, it only decomposed the water with violent heat and effervescence. He then tried the alkalis fused by heat, and with

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