my falutes.' The fenfe which our forefathers expreffed on account of this horrid deed, was truly spirited and noble. The remembrance of that inhuman flaughter ought ever to be kept alive; and is fufficient to perpetuate a juft abhorrence of a religion, which endeavours to root itself in blood. Later experience convinces us, that the papifts ftill retain the fame principles of cruelty. But the gaudy foppery of their worship feduces weak converts, who do not fee the extravagant folly, and favage barbarity, which lurks beneath the papal mafk. The pomp and pageantry of the catholic religion glitter before the eyes of its votaries, but murder and aflaffination pursue the fteps of its opponents.

Our hiftorian proceeds to point out the ill effects which this maffacre had on Mary's intereft; and then turns from civil tranfactions to the affairs of the church. Under this head, he takes notice of the Death of Knox, whofe character he has drawn with peculiar spirit and impartial judgment.

Soon after the breaking up of this affembly, fays he, Knox, the prime inftrument of fpreading and establishing the Reformed religion in Scotland, ended his life, in the 67th year of his age. Zeal, intrepidity, difinterestedness, were virtues which he poffeffed, in an eminent degree. He was acquainted, too, with the learn ing, cultivated in that age; and excelled in that fpecies of eloquence, which is calculated to rouze, and to inflame. His maxims, however, were often too fevere, and the impetuofity of his temper exceffive. Rigid and uncomplying himself, he fhewed no indulgence to the infirmities of others. Regardless of the diftinctions of rank and character, he uttered his admonitions with an acrimony and vehemence, more apt to irritate, than to reclaim. This often betrayed him into indecent and undutiful expreffions, with refpect to the queen's perfon and conduct. Thofe very qualities, however, which now rendered his character lefs amiable, fitted him to be the inftrument of providence for advancing the reformation, among a fierce people, and enabled him to face dangers, and to furmount oppofition, from which, a perfon of a more gentle spirit would have been apt to fhrink back. By an unwearied application to Audy, and to bufinefs, as well as by the frequency and fervour of his public difcourfes, he had worn out a conftitution, naturally ftrong. During a lingering illness, he difcovered the utmoft fortitude; and met the approaches of death, with a magnanimity infeparable from his character. He was conftantly employed in acts of devotion, and comforted himfelf with thofe profpects of immortality, which not only preferve good men from defponding, but fill them with exultation in their last moments. The Earl of Morton, who was prefent at his funeral,

pronounced

pronounced his eulogium in a few words, the more honourable for Knox, as they came from one, whom he had often cenfured with peculiar feverity, "Here lies He, who never feared the face of man."

It is obfervable that Luther, the celebrated reformer, was diftinguished by the fame severity of manners, and impetuofity of temper. Perhaps this violent difpofition may, on many occasions, be highly ferviceable to innovators, and abfolutely neceffary to introduce new religious or civil eftablifhments: but certainly nothing but gentleness and moderation can strengthen and improve the fyftem of chriftianity.

Our hiftorian, having reviewed the measures by which the Earl of Morton, the new regent, rendered his administration odious, he at length turns his eyes upon the king, of whose education and difpofitions he gives the following account. "James, fays he, was now in the twelfth year of his age. The queen, foon after his birth, had committed him to the care of the Earl of Mar, and during the civil wars, he had refided fecurely in the caftle at Stirling. Alexander Erfkin, that nobleman's brother, had the chief direction of his education. Under him was the famous Buchannan, together with three other preceptors, the moft eminent the nation afforded, for skill in thofe fciences, which were deemed neceflary for a prince. The young king fhewed an uncommon paffion for learning, and made great progrefs in it; and the Scots fancied that they already difcovered in him, all thofe virtues, which the fondness or credulity of fubjects ufually afcribe to princes during their minority. But as James was ftill far from that age, at which he was permitted by law to affume the reins of government, the regent did not fufficiently attend to the fentiments of the people, nor reflect, how naturally thefe prejudices in his favour might encourage the king to anticipate that period.'

Our Author then defcribes the artifices which the regent's enemies employed to render the king fufpicious of his power. He relates the intrigues which were carried on against the regent, and which at last ended in his ruin; being brought to trial, and condemned for the murder of the late king. Our hiftorian's account of his behaviour under fentence of death, is too ftriking to be fupprefled; more efpecially as it contains a declaration from the regent, who, in thofe folemn moments, when men are not prone to falfhood, impeached the queen as the author of her hufband's murder.

During that awful interval, Morton poffeffed the utmost compofure of mind. He fupped cheerfully; flept a part of the

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night,

night, in his ufual manner; and employed the reft of his time in religious conferences, and in acts of devotion, with fome minifters of the city. The clergymen who attended him, dealt freely with his confcience, and preffed his crimes home upon him. What he confeffed with regard to the crime for which he fuffered is remarkable, and fupplies, in fome meafure, the imperfection of our records. He acknowledged, that on his return from England after the death of Rizio, Bothwell had informed him of the confpiracy against the king, which the queen, as he told him, knew of and approved; that he follicited him to concur in the execution of it, which, at that time, he abfolutely declined; that, foon after, Bothwell himself, and Archibald Douglas, in his name, renewing their follicitations to the fame purpose, he had required a warrant, under the queen's hand, authorizing the attempt, and as that had never been produced, he had refufed to be any farther concerned in the mat

ter.

"But, continued he, as I neither confented to this trea"fonable act, nor affifted in the committing of it, so it was "impoffible for me to reveal, or to prevent it. To whom "could I make the difcovery? The queen was the author of "the enterprize. Darnly was fuch a changeling, that no fe"cret could be fafely communicated to him. Huntley, and "Bothwell, who bore the chief fway in the kingdom, were "themselves the perpetrators of the crime." Thefe circumftances, it must be confeffed, go fome length towards extenuating Morton's guilt; and though his apology for the favour he had fhewn to Archibald Douglas, whom he knew to be one of the confpirators, be far lefs fatisfactory, no uneafy reflections feem to have difquieted his own mind on that account. When his keepers told him that the guards were attending, and all things in readiness," I praise my God, faid he, I am ready likewife." Arran commanded these guards; and even in thofe moments, when the most implacable hatred is apt to relent, the malice of his enemies could not forbear this infult. On the fcaffold, his behaviour was calm; his countenance and voice unaltered; and after fome time spent in devotion, he fuffered death with the intrepidity, which became the name of Douglas. His head was placed on the public jail of Edinburgh; and his body, after lying till fun-fet on the fcaffold, covered with a beggarly cloak, was carried by common porters to the ufual burial-place of criminals. None of his friends durft accompany it to the grave, or discover their gratitude and refpect by any fymptoms of forrow.'

The relation of this event, is followed by a review of the un popular conduct of the king's two favourites, the duke of Lenox, and the carl of Arran; against whom the nobles formed a confpiracy. As changes in the adminiftration, which, as our

Author

Author obferves, among polifhed nations, are brought about flowly and filently, by artifice and intrigue, were, in that rude age, effected fuddenly, and by violence, the king's fituation, and the fecurity of the favourites, encouraged the confpirators to have immediate recourfe to force. Accordingly they feized the king's perfon at Ruthven. This paffage in hiftory is fo well known, that it is needlefs to repeat the particulars of this rebellious enterprize. The king, fays our Author, complained, expoftulated, threatened, and finding all thefe without effect, burst into tears. "No matter, faid Glamis (one of the confpirators) fiercely, better children weep than bearded men."

Our hiftorian then changes the fcene, and leaves Scotland torn to pieces by inteftine factions, to take a view of the state of affairs in England. Here the deplorable condition of the unhappy Mary is reprefented in the moft moving terms of defcription. To add to the mifery of her captivity, a breach happened between her and her fon, who wrote a harsh and undutiful letter to his mother, in which he exprefly refused to acknowledge her to be queen of Scotland, or to confider his affairs as connected, in any wife, with hers. This cruel requital of her maternal tenderness, overwhelmed Mary with forrow and defpair. Was it for this, faid fhe, in a letter to the French ambaffador, that I have endured fo much, in order to preferve for him the inheritance, to which I have a juft right? I am far from envying his authority in Scotland. I defire no power there; nor with to fet my foot in that kingdom, if it were not for the pleasure of once embracing a fon, whom I have ever loved with too tender affection. Whatever he either enjoys or expects, he derived it from me. From him I never received affiftance, fupply, or benefit of any kind. Let not my allies treat him any longer as a king; he holds that dignity by my confent; and if a fpeedy repentance does not appease my juft refentment, I will load him with a parent's curfe, and furrender my crown, with all my pretenfions, to one, who will receive them with gratitude, and defend them with vigour.' In this letter, we may observe a ftrange compound of affection, pride, refentment, and revenge. Could we, however, forget her vices, her hard fate was greatly to be lamented. To be forced to fly from her rebellious fubjects, to be held in captivity by an unnatural fifter, and to be infulted by an undutiful fon, was too much for human nature to

endure.

But the time now approached, which put a period to her wretchedness, and her exiftence together. An act of parliament had been made in England, which provided, That if any rebellion fhould be excited in the kingdom, or any thing attempted to the hurt of her majefty's perfon, by or for any perfon pretending

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tending a title to the crown, that the persons found guilty should be excluded any right to the crown, and purfued to death.' In confequence of this ftrange ftatute, which was plainly levelled at the queen of Scots, fhe was brought to trial at Fotheringay, for a confpiracy against Elizabeth. But Mary refufed to acknowledge the jurifdiction of Elizabeth's commiffioners, and expreffed her refufal in the following fpirited ftrain. "I came into the kingdom, faid fhe, an independant fovereign, to implore the queen's affiftance, not to subject myself to her authority. Nor is my fpirit fo broken by its paft misfortunes, or fo intimidated by prefent dangers, as to floop to any thing unbecoming the majefty of a crowned head, or that will difgrace the ancestors from whom I am defcended, and the fon to whom I fhall leave my throne. If I must be tried, princes alone can be my peers. The queen of England's fubjects, however noble their birth may be, are of a rank inferior to mine. Ever fince my arrival in this kingdom, I have been confined as a prifoner. Its laws never afforded me any protection. Let them not now

be perverted in order to take away my life."

She was at length, neverthelefs, our hiftorian obferves, prevailed upon to alter her refolution. She was told by the commiffioners, that by avoiding a trial fhe injured her own reputation, and deprived herself of the only opportunity of fetting her innocence in a clear light, of which they and their mittrefs wifhed, above all things, to be convinced. But we cannot agree with the hiftorian, that thefe pretexts were fufficiently plaufible to impofe on the unwary queen; and that the change in her refolution, must be imputed folely to her anxious defire of vindicating her own honour. The fame arguments had been ufed before, to engage her to put herself upon her trial for the murder of her husband; and the had experienced the diffimulation of Elizabeth and her courtiers too often, to fuffer her fagacity to be deceived by fuch weak pretences.

In confequence of her confent, however, fhe was brought before the judges, and the queen's attorney and follicitor opened the charge againft her, with all the circumftances of the confpiracy. When the queen's council had finished, fays our hiftorian, Mary ftood up, and with great magnanimity, and equal prefence of mind, began her defence. She denied, or justified, the particular articles in the accufation: and concluded her defence in the following ftrong and affecting terms. “I have often, continued fhe, made fuch efforts for the recovery of my liberty, as are natural to a human creature. And convinced, by the fad experience of fo many years, that it was vain to expect it from the juftice or generofity of the queen of England, I have frequently follicited foreign princes, and called on all my friends,

to