We may add to this, that her fex, perhaps, inclined them to bear her imperious and arbitrary conduct, with more patience than they would have endured it under a King. The troublesome ftate of the nation likewife, which, during a long time, was in imminent danger from Spain and other parts, was a further circumftance which favoured her oppreffion: the people's apprehenfions from foreign invasions, rendered them lefs attentive to the evil of domeftic encroachments. But un 'er her fucceffors, these incidents did not concur. James and Charles were not content to be ablolute, but would feem lo. They behaved with the imperious carriage of Elizabeth, and purfued her abfolute meafures; but did not practife her occafional affability and condefcenfion; or imitate her examples of generofity and juftice: by which means the latter of thofe Kings provoked the people, fecure in peace, and wanton with profperity, to exert their power of oppofition.

In the conclufion of this hiftory, the Writer takes a review of the manners, commerce, arts, and learning, during the period he treats of. In difcuffing thefe heads, he displays, upon the whole, great penetration, and political knowlege. Neverthelefs, his fentiments, in fome refpects, are controvertible; but we fhall confine our animadverfions to the following paffage, where he tells us, as he had intimated before, that the laws of Henry the Seventh contributed very little towards the great revolution which happened about this period in the English conftitution. The practice of breaking entails by a fine and recovery, he fays, had been introduced in the preceding reigns; and this Prince only gave indirectly a legal fanction to the practice, by reforming fome abufes which attended it. But,' he fubjoins,

the change of manners was the chief caufe of the fecret revolution of the government, and fubverted the power of the Barons.'

Here, as we have remarked in our review of the first volume, the Hiftorian feems to mistake an effect for a caufe. The inftitutions of Henry certainly contributed to the increase of commerce and arts, by providing hands to cultivate them, which before refted in indolent dependence. Befides the retrenchment of the antient country hofpitality, by the diminution of retainers; drew the noblemen to town, where they devifed new modes of luxury and all together contributed to operate a change in the manners of the people.

With refpect to what our Hiftorian fays, concerning the practice of breaking entails, he is clearly mistaken. Henry did more than he is willing to allow for though the practice of barring entails, as to perfons in remainder, was in ufe before his

time, yet the practice of cutting off the iffue, was first introduced in his reign.

This article having already drawn us to the full extent of our bounds, we fhall conclude with obferving, that notwithstanding fome peculiarities in fentiment, and a few flight inaccuracies, this history may reafonably hope for a favourable reception from all parties. The ftile is copious and manly; the reflections are pertinent and poignant: and the conclufions, in general, are judicious.

*It was in ufe in the Time of Edward IV.

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Sophron; or, Nature's Characteristics of the Truth, in a Course of Meditations on the Scenes of Nature. By Henry Lee, LL.B. 12mo. 3 vols. 12s. bound. Withers, &c.

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EW words will be fufficient for an idea of this performance. The Author, no doubt, has been fincere in his endeavours to promote the intereft of religion; though fome may apprehend he has rather difcredited the caufe he intended to ferve.-The great points he endeavours to establish are, that a revelation cannot be made to man, but under natural ideas, or images, and that Chriflianity is actually revealed under thefe ideas. He treats nature as a fandard-picture, (we ufe his own words) and feripture as an application of the feveral parts of this picture, to draw out unto us the great things of God, and to reform our mental conceptions by. In a word, the knowlege of divine things, we are told, is from without us, and can only be had by an application of ideas, taken from fimilar things in nature, to defcribe unfeen things to our fenfes; and Chriftianity, as revealed in the criginal fcriptures of both Teftaments, is alone this revelation of divine things, in natural ideas or reprefentations of them.

This imitator of Hervey meditates on the following fubjectsOn awaking from fleep; on darkness; the ftarry firmament; the moon; the morning and the fun-rife, &c. Take a fhort fpecimen, Reader, from his meditation on darkness, and judge for thyle..

What a change do the western clouds introduce upon the face of things! earth was lately crowned with all the beauteous variety of day. But now wheeling from the fun, it defcends into the bordering gloom, and gathers blackness on its dun countenance. The inflected rays ftruggle a while to give us a purpled stream; but the languid gleams grow faint; the air thickens on the eye; the dusky fhadows lengthen over the REV. May, 1759. flock:

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Aock: till at length the fnow-white fleece contracts the stain of nature, and is involved in the deepening night. Here nature has no refpect of perfons, and comments on the divine directory, whilft fhe wraps the monarch and the fhepherd in one undistinguifhing fable. This, my foul, is the neceflary confequence of the earth's courfing from the fun; all fit in darkness, and in the gloomy fhades. Surely, in this colourlefs fuit the creature mourns its falling fhort of the glory it was lately encircled with. But fits this incumbent gloom on the fubject world without instructng? Is this idea of night involving the tranfgreffing earth, and eniuing its deflection from the fun, imprefied without its leffon upon the sense? No, this is one of those natural ideas or repreJentations, by which celeftial fcience defcends to the understanding. God makes this darkness his fecret place, his pavilion around him, whence he would teach mankind. Thus would he, by nature's fcenes, inform the unlettered mind, in melancholy ftile, of the fall of man from God's tranfcendent glory, when he was diverted from the heavenly light. For nature engraves this divine, though difputed truth, the fall, upon the humble sense, whilft it fhews, by man's previous ftate in the fun's beams, that God formed him for his glory. This makes a part of this vifible fyftem: the earth daily falis from meridian glory, by its tranfgreffion, and courfing from the fun. And it affumes this character to pour conviction upon men of all denominations, that if they will adopt a natural system of religion, a fall from glory, a coming short of the glory of the Lord must have a place in it. O enquiring man! art thou curious after truth? receive the filent lecture from this fabled professor of divinity; welcome the idea it prefents; nor deny a truth fo experienced as this is, that there is, and muft be, in nature, a fall of man from glory. For all objections against admitting a fall into our notions of the fpiritual fcheme of providence, equally lay againft its having a part in the economy of nature. And will any one prefume to question its usefulnes, or the wife reafons of its being permitted in this fyftem: no, a man of fenfe will perceive the great ends of this ordinance in the heavens, and this, among the reft, to be one, namely, that he may fee difplayed the grandeft scene in nature, the rifing of the fun and from hence he will collect the infinitely wife ends of God's permitting the fall in the fpiritual fyftem. Apart then all objections, the queftion to an unbeliever upon his own principles is this, doth nature fupply us with an idea of a fall from glory, or has it a place in nature? The answer must be that nature does afford us this idea; in the falling of the earth from the fun's light, by tranfgreffion or traying from its beams: and this fhe does, not only to the fchools, but to the Shepherds, who ftand and contemplate the amazing change. Then methinks the conclufion is cafy, and is

this, that fince nature prefents this idea, amongst others, if we would have natural notions of things, we muft conceive of the creature man, as of one who has, like his mother earth, fallen from, and come fhort of, the glory of God: we must say, with attefting nature, grofs darkness has covered the people.'

It is certainly unneceffary to point out the abfurdity of this method of defending Chriftianity, which may, with equal force and propriety, be applied to the defence of the moft ridiculous fyftem of fuperftition that was ever established on earth. Every generous and confiderate mind must be filled with concern, to fee fuch fancyful and incoherent arguments urged in fupport of the plainest and most rational fyftem of religion that ever appeared in the world. It is, indeed, difficult to determine, which are of greatest differvice to Chriftianity, fuch irrational performances as these of our Author, or the open attacks of scepticism and infidelity.

Reflections on the Rife and Fall of the antient Republics. Adapted to the prefent State of Great Britain. By E. W. Montagu, jun. Efq; 8vo. 5s. Millar.

THE

HE ingenious Author of thefe Reflections fets out with obferving, in his preface, that party attachments were confidered by Solon, as effential to the character of a lover of his country; and neceffary to be entered into by every friend to its political conftitution. As this obfervation may appear fomewhat fingular, we fhall quote the paffage, for the Reader's more particular fatisfaction.

• Plutarch takes notice of a very remarkable law of Solon's, "which declared every man infamous, who, in any fedition or civil diffention in the ftate, fhould continue neuter, and refuse to fide with either party." Aulus Gellius, who gives a more circumftantial detail of this uncommon law, affirms the penalty to be, "no less than confifcation of all the effects, and banifhment of the delinquent." Cicero mentions the fame law to his friend Atticus, and even makes the punishment capital, tho' he refolves at the fame time not to conform to it under his prefent circumstances, unlefs his friend fhould advife him to the contrary.

Which of thefe relators has given us the real penalty annexed to this law by Solon, is fcarce worth our enquiry. But I cannot help obferving, that ftrange as this law may appear at firft fight, yet if we reflect upon the reafons of it, as they are affigned by Plutarch and A. Gellius, it will not appear unwor thy of that great legiflator.

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• The

The opinion of Plutarch is, "that Solon intended no citi zen, as foon as ever he had provided for the fecurity of his own private affairs, fhould be fo unfeeling with refpect to the public welfare, as to affect a brutal infenfibility, and not fympathize with the diftrefs and calamities of his country. But that he fhould immediately join the honefler and jufter party, and rather rifque his all in defence of the fide he had efpoufed, than keep aloof from danger, till he faw which party proved the ftronger."

The reafon given by A. Gellius is more ftriking, and lefs liable to objections than that of Plutarch. "If," fays that Writer, all the good men in any state, when they find themselves too weak to ftem the torrent of a furious divided populace, and unable to fupprefs a fedition at its firft breaking out, fhould immediately divide, and throw themfelves into the oppofite fides, the event in fuch a case would be, that each party which they had differently efpouted, would naturally begin to cool, and put themfelves under their direction, as perfons of the greatest weight and authority; thus it would be greatly in the power of fuch men fo circumftanced, to reconcile all differences, and reftore peace and union, while they mutually reftrain and moderate the fury of their own party, and convince the opposite fide, that they fincerely wifh and labour for their fafety, not for their deftruction."

What effect this law had in the Athenian state is no where mentioned. However, as it is plainly founded upon that relation, which every member bears to the body politic, and that intereft which every individual is fuppofed to have in the good of the whole community, it is ftill, though not in express terms, yet virtually, received in every free country. For thofe who continue neuter in any civil diffention, under the denomination of moderate men, who keep aloof and wait quietly, in order to follow the fortune of the prevailing fide, are generally ftigmatized with the opprobrious name of Time-fervers, and confequently neither efteemed nor trusted by either party.'

From the above quotation, the Reader might reasonably enough be led to conclude, that our Author is an advocate for parties; he feems, however, to have mentioned this extraordinary law of Solon's, and the comments thereon, a, an apology only for his taking up the pen, after fo much has already been faid and written in favour of a national militia.

There is a wide difference, neverthelefs, between that spirit which a good man would exert in the circumftances described by Aulus Gellius, and that which is generally understood and exerted as the spirit of party; even as much as there is between