Mr.

neral average ought to be formed on the prices in all parts of the country, because fuch a regulation would tend to equalize the price, to fupply one part of the country from another, and to keep a fufficient flock of corn in the kingdom. On this he fhould reft his objection to the divifion into diftricts.

Mr. Ryder contended, that the opinion of the Committee Ryder. of Privy Council was entitled to great weight; but the experiment of a general average, as far as it had been tried, had not been found to answer. The growing counties complained that their ports were not opened foon enough for exportation, and the manufacturing counties complained that their's were not opened foon enough for importation.

Lord

Mr. Powys moved, "That the average fhould be taken, "not by districts, but on the kingdom at large."

Lord Sheffield faid, he fhould prefer the average of the Sheffield. whole kingdom, as the only means of preventing frauds; but, to remove the objections which had been started, he fhould only propofe it in refpect to importation, and that exportation fhould be regulated by the average of the diftrict, which was the mode pursued by Ireland, and had answered very well. He added, that his only objection to the average of the whole kingdom was, that it would open the ports to importation confiderably fooner than the average of the maritime diftricts, but he thought it by far the most reasonable and beft mode.

Mr. Grey

On the queftion being put, the claufe was carried by a divifion;

Mr. Grey now rifing, obferved, that he had defigned to introduce a motion for the House to refolve itfelf into a Committee on the State of the Nation, and also to have followed up that motion with certain propofitions in that Committee. As the prefent fituation of the country was one of the most important and critical, he had conceived that every opportunity would have arifen for the most ample difcuffion of the refolutions which he fhould have had the honour of propofing; but having been given to understand, from high authority in that Houfe, that an objection would be taken to fuch a Committee, and that this objection would be fupported by strong reafons; and knowing, as he did, that it was nearly the fame thing whether the objection was fupported on ftrong grounds or not, he had been induced, for the prefent, to deviate from his intention of moving for that Committee, in order to come immediately before the Houfe with certain propofitions. If

he

Z.

were to adapt his conduct to what he had fome reason to believe would be the conduct of thofe oppofite to him, it would not prove neceffary for him to trefpafs much upon the patience of the Houfe: merely to ftate his propofitions, and to beg the acquiefcence of the Houfe in thofe propofitions, would, in fuch a cafe, certainly fuffice; and his claim to do fo, might not, perhaps, be altogether unreasonable. For, there was not one man who would not find himself ready to admit them upon the principles of common fenfe, and on a ready confirmation of those established principles of policy and juftice, which had ever regulated all wife men who had taken any part in the councils of the nation, and which had never been departed from, but by those whofe ignorance and obftinacy had led them to act in a manner unworthy of their ftations. Notwithstanding the truth of thefe obfervations, before he ventured to afk the acquiefcence of the House in his refolutions, he fhould endeavour to fupport them by the beft arguments which occurred to him, leaving it to his friends to fupply his defects, which he had no doubt but they would do with the greateft ability. He hoped to be able to perfuade the House of the truth of all the propofitions which he should ftate. He conceived that there were fome points concerning which mankind were generally agreed. There were fome truths which appeared to be fo clear and evident, that no man was difpofed to difpute them. Among thefe, he conceived, must be reckoned the just causes of going to war. Of this nature, alfo, were those maxims of policy, which ought to govern this country in all its connections with foreign powers. The only juft caufe of war originated in the principle of felf-defence. This principle of felf-defence was not confined to nations in the fame manner as it was to individuals. Individuals were only allowed to avail themselves of this principle, when the danger was imminent and preffing, and where the laws inftituted for the protection of fociety, could not operate and ensure their fafety. A nation's right of attack, was founded in, and must originate out of, the principle of felf-defence; and no war could be juftified on the grounds (to ufe a fashionable phrase) of political expediency, whatever the confequences of it might be, and however profitable and advantageous it might turn out to the State. The principle of felf-defence, therefore, was the fole ground on which a war could be juftified. The cafes where a war was juft, might be reduced to three heads: 1ft, when it was undertaken to redeem a right forcibly withholden, and to which we had an irrefiftible claim; fecondly, in providing for future fafety; and the laft, a right of repelling an unjust attack. These were the only three caufes which could juftify any war, except another, which

might be included under the third, and that was where an ally had been unjustly attacked. He laid particular stress upon the words "unjustly attacked," not being willing to admit, that when an ally was an aggreffor, and refused to make reparation, the nation with whom he was in alliance was obliged to fupport him. A nation was bound to fupport an ally only in the cafe of an unjust attack, and even then only according to the specific meaning of the treaty entered into between them. The only three caufes, therefore, for going to war, were, to redeem a right, to provide against danger, and to repel an attack; and any principle of fuppofed policy which stood in oppofition to thefe three causes, and did not come within one or other of them, could never be a juft caufe of war. Omnia quæ defendi, repeti, repelli poffunt. These were the words of Camillus to his foldiers, and they were full of wisdom, policy, and juftice. These were the only just causes of war, on the established principles of the law of nations. For the war on which they were now about to enter, what were they called to do? To redeem a right. to provide against danger, or to repel an attack? Was there any danger which at prefent threatened this country? Had any of their rights been violated, or any unjust attack made upon them? He fhould content himself with anfwering to thefe questions. He might reft on these general principles, and call for an answer from the other fide of the House: but a fort of anfwer had been already attempted. A new fyftem had certainly been propofed to the Houfe; a system which that House did not understand, and which could never have entered into the mind of any reasonable man. It was no eafy matter to argue a propofition which had no precife definite meaning. The theory of treaties which had been ftated to the Houfe, he did not pretend to understand; but he did understand fomething of the Pruffian treaty. By that treaty, Great Britain, in cafe of an unjuft attack, engaged to furnish the King of Pruffia with a certain number of troops, or with a certain fum of money. He trufted that he should not be told that the moment they entered into this treaty with Pruffia, they were bound for all the other engagements of the King of Pruffia. He had always underftand the treaty to be a treaty of defence, and it was impoffible to be fo conftrued, as to juftify the war in which they were about to engage. The treaty into which we had entered with the King of Pruffia was laid before the House; but if we were bound for all his other engagements, all the treaties of the King of Pruffia with other Powers ought likewife to have been laid before the Houfe. He had never confidered the treaty in that light, neither had that Houfe ever confidered the treaty in that light. The right honourable

gentle

gentleman himself had ftated, that it was only to furnish a certain number of troops in cafe the King of Pruffia was attacked. Was he attacked? Had he any reafon to expect an attack from the Emprefs of Ruffia? From any occurrence which was intimated to the Houfe, when the Pruffian treaty was laid upon the table, could any man poffibly imagine that Great Britain would have been bound by that treaty, under the prefent circumftances? But there was a fyftem behind, It had been contended that the character and honour of the country were concerned. What a way was that of treating the Houfe? For what purpose was the treaty laid before the House? Was it to confult the Houfe with regard to the engagements into which His Majefty had entered, or was it for the purpose of deceiving the Public, and the House, and propofing to them a treaty which held out that we were engaged in a fyftem of defence, when, in fact, it meant perfectly a different thing? Suppofe, at the time when the treaty was before the Houfe, that it had been a condition in the treaty that Great Britain fhould go to war with Ruffia, whenever Ruffia fhould poffefs herfelt of Oczakow, would any man in the House have affented to it? Could the Minifter, with all the confidence which that Houfe was difpofed to place in him, have ever procured their approbation to fuch a condition? It was impoffible. This country was at peace, and they ought to adhere to that defenfive fyftem which had been fo wifely recommended to them. In every other respect, the treaty was unexceptionable. Such a meafure as the war now propofed muft give offence to a Power with which it. had always been confidered as the greateft intereft of this country to maintain the best understanding. The language of the treaty was, that Great Britain and Pruffia had entered into a defenfive alliance, The language of that Houfe was, that they had entered into an offenfive treaty. If fuch a conftruction had been given to the treaty at the time, no man in that House would have fupported it. How, or upon what principle, could they fupport it now? It was a fyftem which in its confequences went infinitely beyond the treaty: all to which they were bound by the treaty, was to furnish the King of Pruffia with fo many troops; or, in cafe he liked it better, with a certain fum of money. By the fyftem now adopted, they were engaged at once in all the expences and confequences of a war, of which no man could fee the policy, and of which no human prudence could limit the extent. Perhaps he might be told, that he had admitted that a country was bound, for its own fafety, to guard against the dangerous aggrandifement of any one Power. This was certainly true; but he must be understood to fuppofe, that that aggrandifement was aimed at by violent and unjust means; VOL. XXIX. P

that

that it was clear and obvious, that the danger arifing from it was evident, and the not providing for it in the best way in our power would be to neglect our own fafety. But this he would not admit upon any contingent and remote view, fuch as could arife from the equity of a treaty entered into with an ally, and not immediately connected with any intereft of this country. In fuch a cafe, he certainly could not admit that explanation. It was on this principle, on the firft view of it, that the balance of the power of Europe had been founded. This, he contended, was a fyftem which ought not to be left to the management of agents, and unfkilful hands. To that fyftem, and to the prefervation of it, he had heard the epithets of wild and romantic applied. He would not inform the poor ft peafant in the country, when he read of it, by his rufh light, that he was deeply interested in the prefervation of that balance; and if it were neceffary, he would advife the peafant to fubmit to new burdens, in order to preferve that balance from any real danger. But the reverfe of that fyftem was now propofed, and the country was no longer to be directed by that wife and cautious policy, which had hitherto directed its councils. They were now to contend for forts on the Black Sea, as if they were fighting for their hearths and their altars. This was a fource of affliction to the peafant, and those who proposed to lay new burdens on him for that purpose, added infult to oppreffion. He thought that those who had been fo loud in talking of the romantic idea of the balance of power, would have explained their own system. He had watched them clofely, and he believed that he had feen fome of the workings of conviction in their minds. They had changed their fentiments, and had now confeffed that the balance of power in Europe was no longer a romance. But although they had retracted their opinion, Mr. Grey faid, he certainly had not changed his. He confidered the balance of power in Europe as an object of great concern; and if they could hew him that that balance was in the least danger, he fhould certainly give his vote to refcue it from that danger. But before he confented to plunge this country into all the horrors of war, he must be convinced that the danger was fuited to the cafe. It must be fhewn him that the poffeffion of the town of Oczakow was such as would materially affect the interest of this country, and would endanger the balance of power in Europe. Upon what principles, or for what reafons, could we complain of the terms which the Emprefs of Ruffia had infifted upon? How could any danger arife to this country? If they looked upon the Emprefs with as jealous an eye as fome people did, they would think that the way for her to aggrandife herself in a manner the leaft offenfive to this coun

try,