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it with contempt. Suppose, in that case, the Empress ha sent a fleet down the Channel, and burnt Hull, in its way t London, where, on her arrival, she was determined to er force her negociations, by acting as an armed mediator.— Should not we have thought that Russia acted most arrogant ly, and most unwarrantably; and yet, her conduct in tha cafe would not be more extraordinary than ours in the pre sent instance. Mr. Sheridan added, that he shrewdly suspect ed that we were led on by our allies, and tjiat the real caus of the war was a Prussian object in Poland. Suppose, how ever, that we went on with the war, and'that, in the end, the Emperor obtained what he wanted in Moldavia and Wallachia; the Empress what she wanted in Turkey; and Prussia, Thorn and Dantzick; in that case, he would venture to predict, that the lot of England would be to pay the piper, and that the expence which we might incur would be all that would fall to our share. Having stated thi?, Mr. Sheridan now adverting to the Chancellor of the Exchequer, arraigned his conduct, and declared that he should not he afraid to go through his whole political life, and would undertake to prove, that most of his measures had been pregnant with mischief to the country. In the moment of bringing forward each, the right honourable gentleman bad said to the House, "Give us your confidence; we are respon"sible!" Confidence might not, Mr. Sheridan said, be always wejl applied. He asked, whether the right honoura6/e gentleman recollected the very different prospects which we had been taught to turn our eyes to in this year? Did he recollect that this was the promised Millentum ! that halcyon year, in the spring of which we were to taste the sweets and blossoms it was to produce? Did the right honourable gentleman reflect, that he had told them that they should not only have their income equal to their expenditure, but a clear million a ye>r surplus to pay towards the diminution of the national debt, and a permanent peace establishment? Mr. Sheridan contrasted this with the actual state of the moment, the immediate prospect of another war, and the cer tainty of additional taxes. The people, he observed, would not bear the intolerable burdens under which they must then groan, unless the right honourable gentleman came fairly forward, and assigned a satisfactory ground for going to war. There was not one gentleman in the Housj who really saw a motive for it which he could reconcile to any reasonable ide.i. With regard to confidence, he declared that he should not give his confidence to Ministers to treat with foreign Courts, unless the first department of office, in which all our foreign negociations lay, were rescued from the hands of a person who, to an overcharged conceit of his own abilities, added

the raseness which always must attend inexperience, and place*] in the hands of a man famiJijr with foreign Courts, and pouefled of dexterity anil l'.nj-lxity sufficient to enahle biro to discharge the duties of tne o(T.i:e with {kill and with success. By dexterity, he lau', he slid not mean that cunning which another person mi ;00k for craft, and that craft for wisdom; he meant dexterity t: discover and ward off the devices and intrigues of foreign Niinisters, and others; and simplicity to follow the straight-forward path of open manliness and plain dealing himlelf. lit declared that he would leave it to the House to make the application ot this contrast, but unless a department of lo much importance, considering the present situation of foreign Courts, were placpd in such hands, it was impost.hle for him togivt confidence at such a time to Ministers; nor had thev, in fact, anv right to expect it from him, who had uniformly and openly relisted the right honourable gentleman's measures.

Mr. Sheridan next turned his attention to the conduct of the right honourable gentleman opposite him, respecting HolJandtn 1787, tor which praile had, 011 all hands ! een candidly allowed him. He declared that if the question were put to him, and he were asked if, as a single measure, he rejoiced at it? he should, without hesitation, answer, that he did not; because he never could rejoice at seeing the stock of liberty diminished, and, by our interference, that noble republic was again reduced to the miserable state of vassalage under which she had so long groaned; but, when he considered that it was probable at the time that Holland would have become a province to France (though subsequent events bad since proved that it could not have been the consequence) he was ready to join in commending the conduct of the right honourable gentleman on that occasion. But if it were true, that the recovering our connection with Holland was nothing more than a part of a system, and that the fortress of Oczakow were to be traced from the canal at Amsterdam, he should reprobate it in the strongest terms; he would fairly declare, however, that h did not believe that the right honourable gentleman had entertained an idea of any such system at the time. He suspected that the right honourable gentleman's measures hsd carried him much farther than he had ever intended to go, and that the pretence of its having been a part of a predeterminate system, was nothing more than a salvo assumed for the purpose of covering the extraordinary conduct of the right honourable gentleman. Mr. Sheridan here descanted on the chance of our next year, having fresti press warrants issued, and being called upon to arm, in consequence of our having formed an alliance between Poland aud Prussia. He went through a summary of what had passed in the different rent Courts of Stockholm and Madrid, during the administration of Mr. Pitt, and imputed blam? to him on the events of each. He also said, that among other evil consequences of the pernicious system arising out of the treaty with Prussia, it had fastened on us a concern with the Germanic league, and that we should be lugged in as parties to the measure. He declaimed against the system, and said, let us call it any thing but a system of peace; let us fay it is a system of ambition, of vain glory, to see the offspring of the immortal Chatham, intriguing in all the Courts of Europe, and letting himself up as the great posture master of the balance of power, as poiT?sfing an exclusive right to be the umpire of all, and to weigh out in patent scales ot his own, the quantity of dominion that each Power stiall possess. Was not the right honourable g<-ntleman establishing a princip'e which would make it the interest of all India to act against us? Was he not attempting to stand forward as such a peace-maker as th.e peace of all Europe would make it necessary to exterminate? Mr. Sheridan mentioned the conduct of Mr. Elliot in Sweden, and having stated what ha) passed there, he referred the Mouse to the speeches of His Majesty, which had all told them, that our Court had continued to receive the strongest assurances from foreign Powers, that there was no danger of our tranquillity being likely to be disturbed; and he desired them to compare what had happened from time lo time. With regard to the revolution in France, he did not mean to go into the discussion ot that subject; his opinion upon it remained fixed, and would continue the fame; but there was one point which all mankind agreed in rejoicing at, as a consequence of the French levolution; and this was, that she couij no longer go about , intriguing, and ( tting the rest of the Courts fEurope at en» mity with each other Were we, he rfked, wi ling to take

up tholittle, busy, tattling spirit os intrigue, that worst part of the character of France, and run about producing fresh wars and ftesli distuibances. He had not thought that any thing could have induced him to lament the loss of French enmitv; huf if such was to he the cafe, he Ihould do so most seriously. He had hoped that whit had happened in France would have served as an useful lesson, and that we should have h;id leisure to have improved by studying it.

Mr. Mr. Rjdir, in explanation, stated, that the confidence Ryder, which lie contended for, ;>s absolutely and indispensably requisite to be granted to a Ministers was a constitutional confidence, to enable him to conduct all foreign negotiations of peace and war J and not as represented by the honourable gendeman who spoke last.

Mr. Mr. Dur.das professed himself unwilling to trespass on the Dundus. time 0f .he House; but his right honourable friend (Mr. Pitt)


having been called upon so loudly, to do that which it would he criminal in him to accede to, he felt himself hound to say a few words, in reply to the vast variety of observations made by the last honourable gentleman on the other side ot the hWe; nor was he, for another reason, desirous of entering into a debate in the present m ment, because it would be dangerous to the present negociation to divulge the secrets of it, for the purpose of gratifying those gentleman who have with much zeal and earnellness required it, and with much labour endeavoured to justify their requisition. He was not deterred hy al! the pomp of declamation, or powers of eloquence, vrh ch the right honourable gentleman had displayed, from supporting the arguments of the present day against the unjust and unconstitutional demand made from His Majesty's Ministers, at a time when privacy was most to be desired, tor the real and substantial advantage of the country. He therefore felt it his duty not to depart from the establislied rules hid down for the conduct of Ministers, on similar occasions; from rales which the wisest Councils had never deserted.— While he was ready to allow the great ability and powerful eloquence of the honourable gentleman, he could not help observing, that it was fraught with the most inflammatory declamation against the conduct of men to whom he had given his most unequivocal approbation. He had condemned the confidence given Ministers, on the present, as on all similar occasions, as dangerous: he had contended that the high privileges of this House, to know the particulars of this "negociation, were wrested from them. He had asserted, and a bold assertion it was, that no one circumstance of the cause of our present armament had been communicated to the House; and all such assertions were supported by a train of the most fallacious arguments ever urged in that House. Therefore, if the House was inclined, instead of moving the ptevious question, to attend to a dry address to their understandings, instead of a gilded address to their passions, he was confident he should satisfy them of the f.illacv of thosc assertions, and also convince them, that the question first moved H'3S premature, and improper to be brought before them. Mr. Durrdat next adverted to the several speeches of His Majesty, mentioning the existing disturbaiffces between the Ottom.ins and Russinns, and particularly the message from His Majesty, communicating, that those disturbances had arisen to so alarming an height, as to render hi< mediation to effect a peace absolutely requisite, and to which mediation the House had acquiesced. For the purpose of giving vigour and effect to this mediation, the House had also agreed, as would appear by the papers on the table, to an increase of our naval force, and this mediation had been stated to the House as

by by no means successful, but had led to a negociation, which the opposite side of the House had called upon His Majesty's Ministers to particularise and explain, to which unreasonable and unprecedented requisition a retus,:' had been given. This refusal was now attempted to be called novel and unconstitutional, subversive of the privileges of this House, and pregnant with the most alarming consequences. But he would ask the honourable gentleman, if an acquirscence with their demand would not be more novel, more unconstitutional, and more dangerous? and whether, from a premature disclosure of the particulars of a foreign negociation,'evil consequences were not to be dreaded; and whether it would not be absolutely and completely rending from His Majesty the prerogative vested in him by the constitution, of making peace and war, and negociating with foreign Powers, independent of the interference of Parliament? To these questions the answer was evident, and every gentleman must join him in the affirmative. Then, if this were granted, which he was sure it must, he would ask, if it was an abuse of the confidence of that House, under the present circumstances, to remain silent, and let those untimely and premature questions remain unanswered? No! for it must be evident to every man, that by a promulgation of the minutiae of the present negociation, it would not only be an abuse of the confidence of the House, by betraying those secrets which Ministers were bound to keep, but would effect the complete overthrow of the negociation, and be followed up by a subversion of the prerogative of the Crown, the consequences of which would be unfathomable. But there was still something more extraordinary in this demand, and more dangerous, if complied with, in its effects; for Ministers were not cailed upon for a general and complete statement of the negociation, but a partial communication of materials was required, on which the House was partially to decide. Yet, he trusted that it required not from him a single argument, to prove the danger which would naturally arise from a conduct so replete with every thing that must inevitably invert all order in the present and in future negociations; for this was not a question of war, upon which such a demand would be justly made; but this was a question of negociation, to procure, if possible, on honourable and equitable terms, a cessation of hostilities, and the establishment of tranquillity in Europe. And here he should remark, that, as a question of negociation, and not of war, as it had been transmitted by the honourable gentleman on the other side, his right honourable friend, who had on several occasions, with great credit to himself, and satisfaction to his country, and to this House, acting under their confidence, proved himself highly deserving it, was, on 3 ' the

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