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tis so disirefled in its resources, in a war, of which they knew nothing. The resources, of which the country might stil) incapable, he knew were indeed great; but he intreated them not to lavish those resources unworthily, or leave their posterity to feel the consequences of their present misconduct. He might be wrong, but disinterested, and free from any inrk'mce; he had formed his opinion from the most attentive and deliberate consideration, and if on such a subject it was ill founded, he must disclaim all pretensions to common fense. Ke considered the constitution, nay, the very existence of the country, as interested in the issue of this question. It was to decide what were the privileges of the House, and wrnt the confidence due to Ministers. If there was any good principle, which had been r.dopted in a late revolution, oiwhich was deserving to become an universal regulation, it nt, that war should not be made from any motive, except for self-defence. He hoped that it was not hazarding too much, to assert that this was not an age when Ministers, or Kings' favourites, or Kings' mistresses, or the mistresses of Ministers, (nobody would suppose that he intended any im?otiticn en the right honourable gentleman on the other l:de) could make a war merely for their own will and pleatore. That age was now past, and he trusted that this country would never engnge in a war, from blind confidence ma Minister, without either an inquiry into its object, or a ilcuffion of its consequences.

Mr. Pole Car cm having premised that lie meant to move Mr. R. P. tiw previous question, as the motions now made stated the Carew. fane proposal, as those which had been brought forward in thelast, debate, only express d in a different form, added, that it was mentioned in His Majesty's speech, that tugociations were going on to provide for the complete establishment of tranquillity in Europe. Hut, in consequence of the aspect of >Ctirs,a part of the armament had been retained, so that thus the preparations of the present crisis were in some degree anticipated. In a defensive alliance, the interest of the parties "•i 111 his opinion, closely connected even in those respects "hichwere not expressly stipulated by treaty.

Mr. EUwt contended, that at a crisis like the present, in- Mr. 1uiry was to he postponed, till it could be gratified with EUior. °ore propriety. Some supplies had already previously been panted for an armament. The total ignorance in which gentlemen on the other side professed themselves to be with rePrd to the present business, ought to have convinced them j«t the period of discussion was not come ; and that more invitation was necessary, before they could be qualified to *** it the subject of debate. On this account, lie would "^nd the motion for the previous question. It appeared to

be the o'-itct of t!ie motions, to put an end to the war. Tc tliis point, those who had moved and seconded them seemed tc have d.tcctcd their arguments. But if there was any branch of authority peculiarly vested in the prerogative, it was thai of mak tig war and pi ace. Befoie they had come forward with their inquiries, they should have been convinced, that those inquii ies were absolutely necessary. By not moving foi the documents of the negotiation, they had indicated a fense, that this was not yet the time to be satisfied with regard to the very circun.stances w hich formed the objects of their inquiry. The only document to which they could have recourse, was the Ruffian Memorial, which, as from evident motives, it would not fail to represent the business in the most favourable point of view for one fide, could not be produced as an evidence, nor depe nded upon as an authority. Mr, An- Mr. jinflrulhcr rcmarkeH, that the object of this motion fliuihcr. did not at nil affect the prerogative. It was a strange reason which bad been afligned why they should grant supplies, because to make war is the prerogative of the Crown. The very converse of the proposition prevailed; it was, because it is the prerogative of the Crown to make war, that we are not to grant supplies. Ii was to operate as a check on that prerogative, that the power of granting supplies was placed in our hands. He would grant, indeed, with the honourable gentleman, that they were perfectly ignorant of every circumstance which had influenced the conduct of Ministers on the present occasion. But he was far from deeming this ignorance an argument for a partial confidence, till Ministers should chuse to afford the means of information. For his patt, he had no conception of degrees of confidence; he either gave his confidence implicitly, or not at all. But, before any Minister should obtain his confidence, he must first state upon what grounds it is required, and how it can be given constitutionally. And he must be a pet son to whom that confidence can be committed with security. A degree of confidence was now required, which had never been claimed <n :uiy former occasion. A motion of censure is proposed. 1 !;e Minister does not come forward to give a vote in favour of his own measures; he shrinks from that approbation, which is only to be purchased by previous inquiry; he is ashamed of himself, and afraid of the consequences of his conduct; he dares not even sanction himself with his own voice. He declines to meet the motion, which he should have challenged, and in order to get rid of a discussion which he found himself unable to support, moved the previous question. The secresy, which was necessary to be observed during a pending negotiation, had been repeatedly urged by thf advocatesof confidence. '\ he secrets of a pending negociation

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were nos now asked to be discovered. It was only wistied to be afcertained what they were ngociating about; what was the object of the negociation, not what were the means by which that object w.is pursued. W Uh regard io means, it was always necessary to employ confidence. /Ml that was now required to hi known was whether it was an >.bject which was really entitled to a sacrifice ot blood aiv! tre.ilure. A vipe idea had been thiown out ot danger from the North. Bat why was it not stated what the danger was, from what Quarter, or in what mode it was to be appic hent'ed? Thus we ihould beenibled to ascertain how far it was formidable, what were the best m.ans of guarding against it, and with what tefouees Ministers sliouid be furnislied in order to aveit it — The demands of Russia in the negociation ! ad not been stared, sothat we did not know how far these might be moderate a'd pacific. 1'r.e Minister hrd in his dilpute with Spain purged aditferent line of conduct. He had first staled lh<* injury, and then the claims whxh had been formed. \V'hv then were not the claims of Russia sta'ed upon the present occasion? Whatever was the result, whether peace or war, we should fcndit difficult to extricate ourselves with credit jnd iafe/y from the system, in which we were at present engaged. The principle on which we seemed to have proceedt d was to preserve every thing in Europe on its present footing. The offence which we had given and the disgusts which we had created, by the adoption of this principle, and by our consequent conduct, had injured our interests much more at all the courts of Euro|>e than they could possiblv !>e benefited hy advantage which we could reap from the progress of our ^rrns, or the influence of our negociations. It had been alledged, that confidence was due to the Minister, on account oi having been so successful. His Majesty, in a former Speech, hadinforaied the House, that it was his wisti to prevent the extension of hostilities abroad, but at the lime time he astral them, that this country had nothing to dread from 'hat quarter. He afterwards informed them, that lie had succeeded in his object of preventing the extension of hostilities, grange it was, that at a time when Turkey was attacked by formally, surrounded by Russia, at a time when Belgrade and [Sender were taken, there should, then, have been heard noword of assisting the Turks against these powerful combined fas, of supporting them under such circumstances of exigency "iii distress. During these two years, in which we have two receiving assurance? f iom His Majesty of the pacific aspect of our affairs abroad, Oczakow has been in the hands °f the Russians. But the most remarkable circumstance is, j)>« His Majesty in his speech upon the dissolution cf last Par"iment, did not mention a word about the slate of affairs in

Europe. Europe. He recollected nn instance of a similar line of conduct to that which the Minister had adopted in this country having heen pursued in Spain. The Spanish Minister in 1734 had chosen to find a pretext for a quarrel with the Emperor of C ierinany, on account of his preponderance in Poland; a circumstance, which is always at hand to justify any dispute. Other Powers had, for two years, heen publishing manifestos, during whici the King of Spain remained silent. His Minister, in order to account tor this silence, said, that it Ipoke his indignation .<s pointedly as 1 lie most violent manifestos. Upon the fame principle the Minifies would justify the silence of His Majesty, and, doubtless, he must be allowed to have heen indignant, so far as silence is the test of indignation. The manifesto of the Spanish Minister, notwithstanding the ingenuity of the reasoning, was treated with contempt hy this House, as the message of our Mirister would be hy all the other courts of Europe. The demand of confidence m'ght appear r.ither strange, when the necessity of thaf confidence had arisen from tiie practice of a system of deception upon the belligerent Powers, who, if lie had sooner declared his intentions, might have avoided part of the vast effusion of blood which had been expended for the two last years. Ifanyconduct merited at once the appellation of weak and wicked, it was the conduct of the Minister. It was equally deceitful and fraudulent to this country, and to the belligerent Powers. Although we were not actually at war, yet the nation was burdened with theexpence of an armed negociation. A distinction was made between the power of the sword and the purse; yet that distinction was but of little Value, if the strings of the purse were put into the hands of those who held the sword. T he honourable gentleman who moved the present question had advanced, that in a defensive treaty, there subsisted between the pirti.-s a connection 01 interest beyond what was expressly stipulated in the treaty. Nothing could be more pernicious than such a doctrine; it was carrying that fort of treaty beyond whatever had been understood or explained; it was leading into engagements, the extent of which could never be known or ascertained: it was rendering the ierource- of this country subservient to th£ necessities of Prussia: it was, in si-.ct, leaving the disposal of our blood and treasure to the Court of Berlin, and rendering Prussia a part of England.

Mr. Martin observed thaf, in spite os the arguments which had been advanced for the purpose of proving how very much preparing for war, and coming to actual hostilities, differed from each other, he should still continue to retain his opinion, that nn armament which seemed to lead to a war, was a subject of such importance to the country, that some reason and cause ought to be given before Ministers called upon that House for a vote of confidence or approbation; while negocisrioo was £o;:ig on, he had r.o objection to confidence; bur when the money of their constituents was asked, it was co.ilntulional and proper to know upon what grounds it was to be given. In the former debate, it had been said, that tne Member* of the House of Commons were counsellors of the Crown; but if the present system of unlimited and blind confidence was to be liltened to, in what manner was it, unless it was meant to confine them entirely to turnpike and canal bills, that they could possibly give any counicl or adrice?

Mr. Torke remarked, that gentlemen had argued as if we Jvlr. were at war, and as if Ministers demanded our concurrence; Yorko. whereas the fact was, that the King's message only aske! an additional naval establishment, in order to str. ngthtn a negocution which was began. Some had thought that an armed negoci.iri >n was the fame as a war; hut he differed from this idea, because that depended much upon the situation ot other Powrn; and he contended, that it might be necessary for Great ^r.tain to negociate with the sword at her fide. He 3'owed that peace was desirable, but this circumstance by no mean- precluded the necessity of war upon some occasions. Various causes had been given, and revenge amongst others, bet he denied that to be any part of the system of ihe present Administration. However, he could not avoid slating, that Rafia, in politics, had been, for a very considerable time, ffltmxal to Great Britain. An idea seemed to prevail on the fcherside of the House, that foreign alliances were altogether improper. Sow, he would ask gentlemen, whether, seriwfW, they meant to assert that we ought to form no foreign affiances? With regard to cur connection with Prussia, he ■wild likewise ask, whether that country did not assist us to ffvent Holland from falling into the hands us the French? ■ lwhether we did not then consider the defeat of the French cAil. and tiie patriots at that time as a matter of very essential importance to us? \n honourable gentleman had said, w ridicule, in a former debate, that Oczakow seemed to be the key to the bilance of power in Europe; he would now «<", that whatever Oczakow might be, it certainly was of "»?or!ance that one side of the banks of the Neister should kin the possession of the Turkish empire. With the conk& of Ministers he was perfedfly satisfied, and he knew of ■thing which could induce him to wish that t'.iey had acted otherwise than they had done; and a majority of the House ^"'ing so often sanctioned their measures, he certainly should '«» give them his confidence and his vote. He warned gen

Ucraen against expressing themselves so freely, if they really

meant

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