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licy. Concerning the policy, it was impossible to enter into a detail, on account of the negociation. But if Russia were to re rendered more powerful, and the Turks more weak, so thai the former would be in less danger of attack than heretofore, thert would Prussia become less secure against an attack from Russia, and consequently less able to contribute to the security of the allies; When gentlemen talked of the balance of power, they did not attempt to lay that it ought not to be attended to, but that it ought to be in abeyance till, by seme fortunate conjuncture, it was put under the direction of their own great talents. In the debate on the commercial treaty, he recollected that the, righ honourable gentleman (Mr. Fox), who was rep re fen Jed by his friends as the only hand capable of poising it, had stated warmly, as an objection to that treaty, that by allaying the jealousy and animosity which had subsisted for so many years between our merchants and those cf France, we should be daily less and less on out guard against the designs of that intriguing nation, and the balance of power would be lost; and now attempts were made to weaken the principle which then was thought of so much importance. It was true, that if pushed too far, it might be dangerous. It Was also true, that two or more powers in defensive alliance, might either of them be exposed to war, when they would act have been so exposed, had no such allianceexisted ;but it was equally true, and that was the principle for which he contended, that they would each be more secure, and each less exposed to wars on the whole, and consequently incur less expence of blood and treasure in defence. —It was argued that repeated assurances had been given to Parliament from the throne, after the places in dispute were taken by Russia, that there was no danger of this country being involved in the war. The only inference from this was that Ministers did not then fee that the events of was would ultimately make the interposition of this country necessary; nor could it be contended, that because a place was taken, it necessarily followed that no steps should be pursued during the course of a war, to compel the restoration of that place, as the price of peace. Mr. Fojt. Mr. Fox remarked, that so long as he retained a regard for the constitution, a zealous attachment to the welfare of the people, and a true fense of his duty to the House, he should rise for the purpose of resisting such strangely unwarrantable doctrines as those which had been advanced on a question of the highest political and constitutional importance, involving no less than, whether this was a mixed Government, or whether the whole power of it was vested in the King. If it was such as the friends of, the Minister had contended, the House had given up all its deliberative, and reserved only its 3 inqui

inquisitorial power; and the Members, instead of meeting day after day, had much better appoint one day in the year for a general inquest, and give the Minister implicit confidence for the rest. They had been asked, if they would take the whole negociation into their own hands. They had »everpretended ihat they would. There was a clear distinction between the object of a negociation, and the means employed to obtain it. Of the former, they claimed an indisputable right to judge, and the latter they confided to the executive power. He was not fond of stating general propositions, without any exception; but he could hardly conceive a cafe in which the King might arm at the expence of the people, without informing them of the object. In the cafe of Spain, which was an armament to gjve weight to negociation, the object was clearly and distinctly stated, Here, in fpight of its general notoriety, is was studiously endeavoured to be concealed. It was the prerogative of the Crown to make war, but a prerogative not to be trusted for a moment, without the corrective—the right of {he Commons to refuse the supplies. Ministers now came to the House, and demanded money without any explanation, so that what was admitted to be the undoubted right of the House, was to be exercised without knowledge, and consequently without judgement; but with regard to the exercise of the King's prerogative, the declaring of war, they were to have every possible information. Of the personal or ministerial confidence, of which gentlemen had talked so much, the right honourable gentleman (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) had no title to either. He had given proofs of incapacity, and he had deceived the House. The constitution knew no such thing as confidence. The King's right to declare war, and the right of the House to withhold supplies, were both absolute. He would give confidence for an armament for a short time, and that for the purpose of defence only; and when he agreed to keeping in commission an additional number of sliip;, on being told that the state of Europe required it, he should have spurned at the idea, had he been apprised that they were kept up for the purpose of offence. In the present case, too much was disclosed for confidence, and too little for conviction. If the armament was formed on the most absurd grounds, as he and all the country believed it was, he should be glad to hear from those who talked of responsibility as the guardian of confidence, how an article of impeachment co 'Id be drawn against the Minister for bringing down a message from the King, and moving an address. On the declaration of war, he would take the opinion of the House; and as he was not imoeachable in the one cafe, he would be screened by the concurrence of the House in the other. He would say, how

is that criminal in me which you agreed to support? The House, not a fortnight since, had rashly promised to support an armament, in other words, an armament whenever His Majesty's Minister should think proper, and they were told that any proposition to undo what they had done, wac too late, unless the Minister came again to demand t^e supplies. The resolution, the friends of the Minister objected, was meant to put an end to the war. Undoubtedly it was, though it was rather singular that they should own this, when they knew that it Was only an inquiry into the expediency of it. It was, indeed, a bad sign, when the advocates of a measure were compelled to allow, that to enquire into the expediency, and to put an end to it, were one and she same thing. They said the House must enquire into the whole of the negociation, or into no part of it; hut to what purpose examine the means, when even the object was withholden? This coold not he disclosed to the Public, pending the negociation, and in the mean time the public money was spent, in pursuit of an object of which the Public had no know ledge. To admit a case, for the sake of argument, when all the world knew that the case admitted was the real cafe, was a solemn faice; a miserable attempt to deceive.— On what principle were five hundred and fifty-eight gentlemen, because they happened to be assembled in a House of Parliament, to pretend ignorance of what all the foreign gazettes, and all the memorials, could inform them of, of what was known beyond dispute two months ago, that the Empress demanded, of all her conquests, to retain only the fortress of Oczakow, and the country from the Bog to the Neister? That the rnotleration of this demand arose fiom ourannament, was completely and morally impossible, for it had been made before the armament was heard of. With regard to what Ihe might demand, were we to disarm, there was only one argument to which he could not reply, and Ministers should not tell him that they had used her so ill, that she would listen to no terms whatsoever. If we sent a fleet into the Baltic, alarmed and insulted her coasts, which was all, he believed, we could do; if we stiewed our teeth, and our inclination to do mischief, then, indeed, she might probably be provoked to depart from the moderation of her first demand. If the House desired to know the object before they gave away money, he thought they would act neither unconstitutionally, nor with any improper degree of suspicion; if they rejected this doctrine, they betrayed the interest of their constituents, and declared themselves incapable of judging of the propriety of voting away their money. The right honourable gentleman, under the plea of State fecresy, had brought forward the worst possible excuse for hold

ing his tongue, to save him from exposing the most unjustifiable conduct. His defensive system was wicked and absurd —that every country, which appeared, from whatever cause, tone growing great, should be attacked; that all the power* of .Europe should be confined to the same precise situation in whicd this defensi' e system found them. If this was a defensive, he should be glad to hear what was an offensive system. The family compact, so justly reprobated, because the contracting parties engaged to assist one another, at all events, whether the quarrel was just or unjust, never carried its presumption so far as this defensive system. According to this system, were any nation to acquire territories in Asia, from which revenue could be derived, that would be a sufficient cause for War; if any country, in any shape, became moro strong at home, and consequently more secure abroad, the alli-s, under this defensive system, must instantly make war against it, and restore it to its former state of misery at home, and imbecility abroad; a principle so diabolical as this he never expected to hear slated in aci\ilized Assembly. He had said, that what was a ground for armament, was not a ground sot war. What! were we degraded into a mere bully as a nati.;n, to enforce insolent propositions by arms, and if they were firmly resisted, to recede from them? Nothing could justify an armament, which could not justify a war; for, the nation that was once discovered to have armed in bravado, would find little regard paid to her armaments again. He h;d been a strenuous advocate for the balance of power, while France was that intriguing, restless nation which she had fnrmerly proved. Now, that the situation of France was altered, that she had erected aGovernment, from which wither insult not injustice was to be dreaded by her neighhours, he was extremely indifferent concerning the balance of power, and should continue so till he saw some other nations combine the fame power with the fame principles of government. His idea of this balance was, that every State was not to be kept in its precise old situation, but to prevent any one from obtaining such an asendancy as to be dangerous to the rest. No man could fay that Russia was the successor of France in this respect. Her extent of territory, scanty revenue, and thin population, made her power by no means formidable to us; a power whom we could neither attack, "or be attacked by; and this was the power against whom *e were going to war. Ouerturning the Ottoman empire, w conceived to be an argument of no weight. The event "a« not probable, and if it should happen, it was more likely '0 he of advantage than injurious to us. If we wished to retain thegood wishes of our Dutch allies, we should be careto' of engaging them in ruinous wars; for, the aversion to,

and and detestation of, this war, was greater in Holland than in England. Now, said the Minister's friends, if war ensues, we may thank the speeches of the Minority. He had long been callous to this fort of abuse; but if this was their opinion, they ought to prorogue the Parliament; for it was Lmposiible for him to lit in it, and not speak his honest sentiments on a question which so nearly concerned the public interest. l>ut he believed there would be no war: the Empress would either be compelled lo give up Oczakow, or, what was mueh more probable, the Minister, after all his bullying and blustering, would recede from all his arrogant demands, and we stiould have nothing in return for an expcnce of perhaps half a million, but the sliame of having interfered where we had no right to interfere, and the disgrace of having completely failed. To what a state were we reduced, when this was the foundation of our hopes; and when to he baffled and disgraced in the eyes of Furope was an object of ardent expectation! Mr. Fox, in the course of his speech, charged the Minister with insolence, arrogance, incapacity, and wilful imposition on the House of Commons, in the conduct of foreign affairs, aud dared him to the proof. The confidence, he said, that there would be no war, that he durst not go to war, was the only tie which kept his majority about him. He entered into a comparison of the present state of France with its former condition, both as it respected the politics of Europe, and the happiness of the people, for the purpose of stiewing that those who detested the principles of the Revolution, ha^ reason lo rejoice in its effects.

The- House divided on the previous question;

Ayes, 162; Noes, 254. Majority, 9$.

The House adjourned.

Monday, 18 th April.

Mr. Wil- Mr. TVilbcrfarcc rising, observed, that although he should Krforce. not presume to determine what, upon the preient occasion were the emotions and sentiments of others, he could sincerely answer for himself that when he considered the infinite importance, and the vast extent of the subject which they were preparing to discuss, when he took a view of the prodigious malsoi information they had before them, he was prompted, both for his own Like, and that of the. House, to request lome s.u ther time for preparation; he waved this idea, however, in compliment to the gentlemen most concerned in point of interest, who had expressed themselves strongly against another adjournment. He had also been in some degree influenced by a regard to what he understood to be their willies, in determining to bring forward the business in the shape of a general niotion, rather than in that of the propositions which


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