and the circumftances remained only to be confidered. If it were true that Pruffia, by the aggrandifement of Ruffia, must be endangered, and confequently our defenfive system impaired, the circumstances actually called for our interference. It was, in this cafe, wife to anticipate the danger, and to endeavour to prevent that from being done, which, when once effected, could not eafily be undone, fo as to bring matters back to their former fituation. The right honourable gentleman had infinuated that Minifters were bound by engagements to Pruffia, with which the country had nothing to do, and which Parliament ought not to fupport. He begged leave to affure the Houfe, that the infinuation was unfounded, and that Minifters were bound by no engagements to Pruffia, but fuch as had received the fanction of Parliament, and by their unbiaffed fenfe of the British interefts. The right honourable gentleman had given an able detail of the former conduct of Great Britain towards Ruffia, to prove that the prefent conduct was unjuft; but this was rather a topic than an argument; for if it proved any point, it proved that when former Minifters had been wrong, future Minifters were not at liberty to purfue a different line of conduct, fo that error once adopted, must prove perpetual. The ftate of affairs was not the fame as now, at the periods to which he had alluded. Turkey was then clofe linked with France, and we had no reason to interfere in behalf of the ally of our rival, nor caufe to dread the aggrandifement of Ruffia. Admitting, for the fake of argument, what he would not admit in fact, that we ought to have interpofed fooner on the prefent occafion, that was no reafon against our interpofing now, but rather an additional reason for interpofing. But, had the neceffity been fo preffing at any former period as it was now become, or were fuch confequences to be apprehended, without a fpeedy interference? It was next faid, that we had loft the opportunity of bringing Ruffia to terms of peace, when the Emperor was prevailed upon to treat. When the Emperor manifefted a fayou able difpofition, would it have been wife to fufpend the negociations with him, at the risk of their being entirely broken off, in order to wait for the concurrence of Ruffia? Pending our difpute with Spain, we were neither fo free to act as now, nor was the neceffity then fo urgent; and by endeavouring to combine two objects, which had no natural connection, there was fome hazard, at leaft, that one of them might miscarry. But why, it was afked, did we dif mifs our armament after that difpute was concluded? We had not difiniffed our armament; for we had kept up a confiderable addition of force; but as the feafon of the year made it impoffible to act for feveral months, we had not kept kept up a force of fifty fhips of the line, the number then in commiffion; because it would have been done to no purpose, and the expence would have exceeded that of the prefent armament. In the aggrandifement of Ruffia, and the depreffion of Turkey, our commercial and our political interests were both concerned. Whatever might have been the state of the question when we thought that we were able to ftand, independently of alliances, when we connected ourfelves with Holland, as a powerful naval ally, it was evident that we could not retain that connection, nor derive much benefit from it, without the acceffion of a power poffeffing a great land force. Ruffia, however favourably fhe might have been difpofed when the right honourable gentleman was in office, although no proofs of fuch a disposition had appeared fince, was not inclined to accede to our alliance with Holland; and if inclined, could not have afforded the neceffary protection. We then contracted engagements with Pruffia, by virtue of which it was our intereft to take care that no change of circumftances, to the detriment of Pruffia, should occur; and were it in our power to restrain the steps by which we had contracted thofe engagements, whatever errors might be difcovered in the detail, we could find no alliance more advantageous than that of Pruffia. Was it, then, a matter of no political importance, that a change should be fuffered to take place in the ftate of Europe, which would eventually prevent Pruffia from rendering us those fervices which we had hitherto derived from the connection? If Ruffia fhould triumph over the Porte, then the fituation of Pruffia would be totally inverted, and instead of protecting the Dutch frontier, his utmost exertions would be requifite to cover his own. Would any man imagine, that the aggrandifement of Ruffia would not materially affect the difpofition of other Powers? that it might not produce an alteration in Poland, highly dangerous to Pruffia? Was it, then, to be faid, that we had no concern in the terms of pacification between Ruffia and the Porte? Many articles, the materials of manufacture, we received from Ruffia; but of thefe articles many could be obtained from other countries; from Poland, for inftance; and therefore we had a commercial intereft in cultivating a trade with Poland, and preventing Ruffia from obtaining fuch a decided command of the articles we wanted, as to give or withhold them at her pleafure. On these grounds, he trusted that the House would perceive that the policy of interpofing was as clear as the juftice was indubitable. But he was told that the House was called upon to fanction the measure on that fort of blind confidence of which the country already had caufe to repent. Confidence, in order to impart vigour and efficiency to Government, vernment, muft be given to thofe in whofe hands the Adminiftration was entrufted; like every other exercife of difcretion, it had its bounds, and was neither unconftitutional not degrading to thofe who gave it. If, as an honourable gentleman had faid, he had feen no application to the refponfibility of Minifters in fourteen years, it was either a proof that Minifters had not been guilty of any material faults in that period, or that Parliament had not been very diligent to mark them. He claimed only the fame degree of confidence which had been granted to all his predeceffors in office; and whenever the conduct of a Minifter was difapproved of, he trufted that the difpleafure of Parliament would operate either to effect his difimiffion, or bring him to punishment. Yet, even with thefe fentiments, he felt himself warranted in contending, that there was a degree of confidence fo neceffary to the very being and fupport of the executive Government, that it would prove criminal to withdraw it. Mr. Burke obferved, that as it might be the laft time that Mr. Burke he fhould have an opportunity of delivering his fentiments on a fimilar queftion, he could not refrain from offering a few remarks to the Houfe. He contended that there were two points which arose out of the debate; and that the firft, the queftion of refponfibility in His Majesty's Ministers, was equally novel as the other which followed. The fecond point was extremely new, and contrary to all the politics with which he was acquainted, either ancient or modern, to bring the Turkifh empire into the confideration of the balance of power in Europe. Having combated what he thought an unqualified degree of confidence placed in the prefent Minifter, Mr. Burke proceeded to fhew the impolicy and danger of this country efpoufing the caufe of the Ottomans. There were, he faid, introduced into this novel diplomatic fyftem, certain auxiliary principles of alliancé, which bound us to fupport our allies against the Emprefs, in whatever quarrel fhe may be involved, though contrary to the manifeft principles of the treaty with our allies, and which on our part amounted to a declaration of war. If this were the cafe, there was an end to the independence of Ruffia, as it was an encouragement to other countries to harafs, and declare hoftilities against her, fhould the proceed to war against any of thofe Powers which would be prompted, on thefe confiderations, to invade her territories. This was, in fact, a declaration that the Emprefs had not power to defend her own territories. It was a menace, that carried with it, on the part of this country, the most bold, infolent, and daring language, that ever was ufed from one independent country to another. Subjection always included VOL. XXIX. H in in its idea protection; but here the principle was reversed; for England had declared that Ruffia fhall be dependent, and still unprotected. The question was not whether fhe should or not difmember Turkey, but whether fhe fhould poffefs herfelf of Oczakow or not; we have declared war on this principle only. Mr. Burke asked the Houfe if, when Ruffia was in fact at the gates of Conftantinople, if the Turks could require more than that we should preferve their capital, and procure for them a restoration of numerous places which had furrendered to the victorious arms of the Emprefs. If we had done thus much, did we not do all that our ally, in confederacy with her allies, could demand? In fuch a cafe, would not the Grand Prophet offer up prayers in his mofque, complimentary to the infidels who faved their metropolis. When the Emprefs of Ruffia had made thefe facrifices, which the feemed willing to make, the condefcended to do more than ever a victorious Prince or Princefs condefcended to fubmit to in her fituation. When the alliance was made with Pruffia and Holland, it was never fuppofed that it was for the purpose of preferving the general balance of power. There were other views, and thefe were, that the Empress should not have any territory or holding on the banks of the Danube and the Borifthenes. Was the treaty of Utrecht ever diftinguifhed by any fuch confiderations? No. He was aftonished to fee fuch a fyftem adopted, as perverted the intention of keeping all favage and uncivilized nations from over-running the countries of Europe. To carry the Pruffian alliance to this length was, in fact, eftablishing an anti-Crufade. It was to overcome the Emprefs and Hungary, whofe progress -in religion and humanity, within the last century, were objects of admiration, and fhould be nourished by every defcription of people who had any pretenfions to civilization or philanthropy. The treaty, he infifted, pledged pofterity to trample them, inftead of thofe morofe favages who were the enemies of religion, and undeferving the protection of a civilized nation. What was the real ftate of the question? Merely to plunge ourselves into an immoderate expence, to reduce the Chriftian nations on the banks of the Danube, to the yoke of the infidels, and make them the miferable victims to thefe inhuman favages; if we act in this wanton manner against the Emprefs of Ruffia, is it not rational to fuppofe that her vengeance will operate against us, when we may leaft fuppofe it, when the confequence may be fatal, and another armament required to repel her vengeance? The House, at length, divided; and the numbers were, For the amendment, 135; Againft it, 228. Majority, 93. The The question on the Addrefs, as originally moved, was then put, and carried. The House adjourned. Wednesday, 30th March. Mr. Mr. Powys obferved, that as an idea had prevailed that neither Great Britain, nor the rest of Europe, produced a Powys. fufficient quantity of corn for their own confumption, he wished to ascertain the grounds upon which such a fuppofition was founded, and for that purpose would apply for certain papers. He therefore moved, "That an humble addrefs be prefented to His Majesty, "that he will be graciously pleased to give directions that "there be laid before this Houfe, copies of information re"ceived by the Committee of Privy Council, appointed for "the confideration of all matters relative to trade and fo"reign plantations, concerning the present state of agricul"ture in Great Britain and Ireland." Mr. Ryder contended, that the Privy Council could not give fuch information, without material inconvenience. The motion was negatived. Lord Courtown, in obedience to His Majefty's commands, made the following report of his anfwer to the addrefs of the Houfe: "The addrefs of this Houfe of Tuesday, has been prefent"ed to His Majefty, and His Majefty has commanded me "to acquaint this House, that His Majefty receives with 66 great fatisfaction the affurance of the readiness to make "good fuch expence as may be neceffary at the present junc" ture." The House adjourned. Thursday, 31st March. No material debate occurred. Friday, ft April. Mr. Powys moved for copies of all papers laid before the Privy Council, refpecting the average prices of grain in Ireland, Quebec, America, and Europe, with the expences of importation from the feveral places. Mr. Ryder. Mr. Ryder begged leave to remind the honourable gentle Mr. man, that the bill before the House did not go to alter for Ryder, mer corn laws, but to arrange them into a permanent fyftem, and therefore he certainly did not think himself obliged to lay any extraordinary information before the Houfe. It was true, that the Privy Council had collected information on the fubjects ftated in the motion, but that information was incomplete, and could afford but little fatisfaction to the |